PARIS 1776-1785 by Benjamin Franklin _The Sale of the Hessians_ FROM THE COUNT DE SCHAUMBERGH TO THE BARON HOHENDORF, COMMANDING THE HESSIAN TROOPS IN AMERICA Rome, February 18, 1777. MONSIEUR LE BARON: -- On my return from Naples, I received at Rome your letter of the 27th December of last year. I have learned with unspeakable pleasure the courage our troops exhibited at Trenton, and you cannot imagine my joy on being told that of the 1,950 Hessians engaged in the fight, but 345 escaped. There were just 1,605 men killed, and I cannot sufficiently commend your prudence in sending an exact list of the dead to my minister in London. This precaution was the more necessary, as the report sent to the English ministry does not give but 1,455 dead. This would make 483,450 florins instead of 643,500 which I am entitled to demand under our convention. You will comprehend the prejudice which such an error would work in my finances, and I do not doubt you will take the necessary pains to prove that Lord North's list is false and yours correct. The court of London objects that there were a hundred wounded who ought not to be included in the list, nor paid for as dead; but I trust you will not overlook my instructions to you on quitting Cassel, and that you will not have tried by human succor to recall the life of the unfortunates whose days could not be lengthened but by the loss of a leg or an arm. That would be making them a pernicious present, and I am sure they would rather die than live in a condition no longer fit for my service. I do not mean by this that you should assassinate them; we should be humane, my dear Baron, but you may insinuate to the surgeons with entire propriety that a crippled man is a reproach to their profession, and that there is no wiser course than to let every one of them die when he ceases to be fit to fight. I am about to send to you some new recruits. Don't economize them. Remember glory before all things. Glory is true wealth. There is nothing degrades the soldier like the love of money. He must care only for honour and reputation, but this reputation must be acquired in the midst of dangers. A battle gained without costing the conqueror any blood is an inglorious success, while the conquered cover themselves with glory by perishing with their arms in their hands. Do you remember that of the 300 Lacedaemonians who defended the defile of Thermopyl;ae, not one returned? How happy should I be could I say the same of my brave Hessians! It is true that their king, Leonidas, perished with them: but things have changed, and it is no longer the custom for princes of the empire to go and fight in America for a cause with which they have no concern. And besides, to whom should they pay the thirty guineas per man if I did not stay in Europe to receive them? Then, it is necessary also that I be ready to send recruits to replace the men you lose. For this purpose I must return to Hesse. It is true, grown men are becoming scarce there, but I will send you boys. Besides, the scarcer the commodity the higher the price. I am assured that the women and little girls have begun to till our lands, and they get on not badly. You did right to send back to Europe that Dr. Crumerus who was so successful in curing dysentery. Don't bother with a man who is subject to looseness of the bowels. That disease makes bad soldiers. One coward will do more mischief in an engagement than ten brave men will do good. Better that they burst in their barracks than fly in a battle, and tarnish the glory of our arms. Besides, you know that they pay me as killed for all who die from disease, and I don't get a farthing for runaways. My trip to Italy, which has cost me enormously, makes it desirable that there should be a great mortality among them. You will therefore promise promotion to all who expose themselves; you will exhort them to seek glory in the midst of dangers; you will say to Major Maundorff that I am not at all content with his saving the 345 men who escaped the massacre of Trenton. Through the whole campaign he has not had ten men killed in consequence of his orders. Finally, let it be your principal object to prolong the war and avoid a decisive engagement on either side, for I have made arrangements for a grand Italian opera, and I do not wish to be obliged to give it up. Meantime I pray God, my dear Baron de Hohendorf, to have you in his holy and gracious keeping. _Model of a Letter of Recommendation_ Sir Paris April 2, 1777 The Bearer of this who is going to America, presses me to give him a Letter of Recommendation, tho' I know nothing of him, not even his Name. This may seem extraordinary, but I assure you it is not uncommon here. Sometimes indeed one unknown Person brings me another equally unknown, to recommend him; and sometimes they recommend one another! As to this Gentleman, I must refer you to himself for his Character and Merits, with which he is certainly better acquainted than I can possibly be; I recommend him however to those Civilities which every Stranger, of whom one knows no Harm, has a Right to, and I request you will do him all the good Offices and show him all the Favour that on further Acquaintance you shall find him to deserve. I have the honour to be, &c. _The Twelve Commandments_ TO MADAME BRILLON Passy March 10. I am charm'd with the goodness of my spiritual guide, and resign myself implicitly to her Conduct, as she promises to lead me to heaven in so delicious a Road when I could be content to travel thither even in the roughest of all ways with the pleasure of her Company. How kindly partial to her Penitent in finding him, on examining his conscience, guilty of only one capital sin and to call that by the gentle name of Foible! I lay fast hold of your promise to absolve me of all Sins past, present, & future, on the easy & pleasing Condition of loving God, America and my guide above all things. I am in Rapture when I think of being absolv'd of the future. People commonly speak of Ten Commandments. -- I have been taught that there are twelve. The first was increase & multiply & replenish the earth. The twelfth is, A new Commandment I give unto you, _that you love one another._ It seems to me that they are a little misplaced, And that the last should have been the first. However I never made any difficulty about that, but was always willing to obey them both whenever I had an opportunity. Pray tell me my dear Casuist, whether my keeping religiously these two commandments tho' not in the Decalogue, may not be accepted in Compensation for my breaking so often one of the ten I mean that which forbids Coveting my neighbour's wife, and which I confess I break constantly God forgive me, as often as I see or think of my lovely Confessor, and I am afraid I should never be able to repent of the Sin even if I had the full Possession of her. And now I am Consulting you upon a Case of Conscience I will mention the Opinion of a certain Father of the church which I find myself willing to adopt though I am not sure it is orthodox. It is this, that the most effectual way to get rid of a certain Temptation is, as often as it returns, to comply with and satisfy it. Pray instruct me how far I may venture to practice upon this Principle? But why should I be so scrupulous when you have promised to absolve me of the future? Adieu my charming Conductress and believe me ever with the sincerest Esteem & affection. Your most obed't hum. Serv. 1778 _Petition of the Letter Z_ FROM THE TATLER N 1778 TO THE WORSHIPFUL ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, ESQ; CENSOR-GENERAL THE PETITION OF THE LETTER Z COMMONLY CALLED EZZARD, ZED, or IZARD, MOST HUMBLY SHEWETH, He was always talking of his Family and of his being a Man of Fortune. That your Petitioner is of as high extraction, and has as good an Estate as any other Letter of the Alphabet. And complaining of his being treated, not with due Respect That there is therefore no reason why he should be treated as he is with Disrespect and Indignity. At the tail of the Commission, of Ministers He was not of the Commission for France, A Lee being preferr'd to him, which made him very angry; and the Character here given of S, is just what he in his Passion gave Lee. That he is not only plac'd at the Tail of the Alphabet, when he had as much Right as any other to be at the Head; but is, by the Injustice of his enemies totally excluded from the Word WISE, and his Place injuriously filled by a little, hissing, crooked, serpentine, venemous Letter called s, when it must be evident to your Worship, and to all the World, that Double U, I, S. E do not spell or sound _Wize_, but _Wice._ The most impatient Man alive Your Petitioner therefore prays that the Alphabet may by your Censorial Authority be reformed, and that in Consideration of his _Long-Suffering_ & _Patience_ he may be placed at the Head of it; that S may be turned out of the Word Wise, and the Petitioner employ'd instead of him; And your Petitioner (as in Duty bound) shall ever pray, &c. Mr. Bickerstaff having examined the Allegations of the above Petition, judges and determines, that Z be admonished to be content with his Station, forbear Reflections upon his Brother Letters, & remember his own small Usefulness, and the little Occasion there is for him in the Republick of Letters, since S, whom he so despises, can so well serve instead of him. c. August, 1778 _The Ephemera_ Passy Sept 20, 1778 You may remember, my dear Friend, that when we lately spent that happy Day in the delightful Garden and sweet Society of the Moulin Joli, I stopt a little in one of our Walks, and staid some time behind the Company. We had been shewn numberless Skeletons of a kind of little Fly, called an Ephemere all whose successive Generations we were told were bred and expired within the Day. I happen'd to see a living Company of them on a Leaf, who appear'd to be engag'd in Conversation. -- You know I understand all the inferior Animal Tongues: my too great Application to the Study of them is the best Excuse I can give for the little Progress I have made in your charming Language. I listened thro' Curiosity to the Discourse of these little Creatures, but as they in their national Vivacity spoke three or four together, I could make but little of their Discourse. I found, however, by some broken Expressions that I caught now & then, they were disputing warmly the Merit of two foreign Musicians, one a _Cousin_, the other a _Musketo_; in which Dispute they spent their time seemingly as regardless of the Shortness of Life, as if they had been Sure of living a Month. Happy People! thought I, you live certainly under a wise, just and mild Government; since you have no public Grievances to complain of, nor any Subject of Contention but the Perfection or Imperfection of foreign Music. I turned from them to an old greyheaded one, who was single on another Leaf, & talking to himself. Being amus'd with his Soliloquy, I have put it down in writing in hopes it will likewise amuse her to whom I am So much indebted for the most pleasing of all Amusements, her delicious Company and her heavenly Harmony. "It was, says he, the Opinion of learned Philosophers of our Race, who lived and flourished long before my time, that this vast World, the _Moulin Joli_, could not itself subsist more than 18 Hours; and I think there was some Foundation for that Opinion, since by the apparent Motion of the great Luminary that gives Life to all Nature, and which in my time has evidently declin'd considerably towards the Ocean at the End of our Earth, it must then finish its Course, be extinguish'd in the Waters that surround us, and leave the World in Cold and Darkness, necessarily producing universal Death and Destruction. I have lived seven of these Hours; a great Age; being no less than 420 minutes of Time. How very few of us continue So long. -- I have seen Generations born, flourish and expire. My present Friends are the Children and Grandchildren of the Friends of my Youth, who are now, alas, no more! And I must soon follow them; for by the Course of Nature, tho' still in Health, I cannot expect to live above 7 or 8 Minutes longer. What now avails all my Toil and Labour in amassing Honey-Dew on this Leaf, which I cannot live to enjoy! What the political Struggles I have been engag'd in for the Good of my Compatriotes, Inhabitants of this Bush, or my philosophical Studies for the Benefit of our Race in general! For in Politics _what can Laws do without Morals._ (note-Ephemera-1, see page 924) Our present Race of Ephemeres will in a Course of Minutes, become corrupt like those of other and older Bushes, and consequently as wretched. And in Philosophy how small our Progress! Alas, _Art is long and Life is short_! (note-Ephemera-2, see page 924) -- My Friends would comfort me with the Idea of a Name they Say I shall leave behind me; and they tell me I have _lived long enough, to Nature and to Glory_; (note-Ephemera-3, see page 924) -- But what will Fame be to an Ephemere who no longer exists? And what will become of all History in the 18th Hour, when the World itself, even the whole _Moulin Joli_ shall come to its End, and be buried in universal Ruin? -- To me, after all my eager Pursuits, no solid Pleasures now remain, but the Reflection of a long Life spent in meaning well, the sensible Conversation of a few good Lady-Ephemeres, and now and then a kind Smile and a Tune from the ever-amiable BRILLANTE." _The Elysian Fields_ M. FRANKLIN TO MADAME HELVETIUS Vexed by your barbarous resolution, announced so positively last evening, to remain single all your life in respect to your dear husband, I went home, fell on my bed, and, believing myself dead, found myself in the Elysian Fields. I was asked if I desired to see anybody in particular. Lead me to the home of the philosophers. -- There are two who live nearby in the garden: they are very good neighbors, and close friends of each other. -- Who are they? -- Socrates and H ------ . -- I esteem them both prodigiously; but let me see first H ------ , because I understand a little French, but not one word of Greek. He received me with great courtesy, having known me for some time, he said, by the reputation I had there. He asked me a thousand things about the war, and about the present state of religion, liberty, and the government in France. -- You ask nothing then of your dear friend Madame H ------ ; nevertheless she still loves you excessively and I was at her place but an hour ago. Ah! said he, you make me remember my former felicity. -- But it is necessary to forget it in order to be happy here. During several of the early years, I thought only of her. Finally I am consoled. I have taken another wife. The most like her that I could find. She is not, it is true, so completely beautiful, but she has as much good sense, a little more of Spirit, and she loves me infinitely. Her continual study is to please me; and she has actually gone to hunt the best Nectar and the best Ambrosia in order to regale me this evening; remain with me and you will see her. I perceive, I said, that your old friend is more faithful than you: for several good offers have been made her, all of which she has refused. I confess to you that I myself have loved her to the point of distraction; but she was hard-hearted to my regard, and has absolutely rejected me for love of you. I pity you, he said, for your bad fortune; for truly she is a good and beautiful woman and very loveable. But the Abbee de la R ------ , and the Abbe M ------ , are they not still sometimes at her home? Yes, assuredly, for she has not lost a single one of your friends. If you had won over the Abbe M ------ (with coffee and cream) to speak for you, perhaps you would have succeeded; for he is a subtle logician like Duns Scotus or St. Thomas; he places his arguments in such good order that they become nearly irresistible. Also, if the Abbe de la R ----- had been bribed (by some beautiful edition of an old classic) to speak against you, that would have been better: for I have always observed, that when he advises something, she has a very strong penchant to do the reverse. -- At these words the new Madame H ------ entered with the Nectar: at which instant I recognized her to be Madame F ------ , my old American friend. I reclaimed to her. But she told me coldly, "I have been your good wife forty-nine years and four months, nearly a half century; be content with that. Here I have formed a new connection, which will endure to eternity." Offended by this refusal of my Eurydice, I suddenly decided to leave these ungrateful spirits, to return to the good earth, to see again the sunshine and you. Here I am! Let us revenge ourselves. December 7, 1778 _Bilked for Breakfast_ MR. FRANKLIN TO MADAME LA FRETE Upon my word, you did well, Madam, not to come so far, at so inclement a Season, only to find so wretched a Breakfast. My Son & I were not so wise. I will tell you the Story. As the Invitation was for eleven O'clock, & you were of the Party, I imagined I should find a substantial Breakfast; that there would be a large Company; that we should have not only Tea, but Coffee, Chocolate, perhaps a Ham, & several other good Things. I resolved to go on Foot; my Shoes were a little too tight; I arrived almost lamed. On entering the Courtyard, I was a little surprised to find it so empty of Carriages, & to see that we were the first to arrive. We go up the Stairs. Not a Sound. We enter the Breakfast Room. No one except the Abbe & Monsieur Cabanis. Breakfast over, & eaten! Nothing on the Table except a few Scraps of Bread & a little Butter. General astonishment; a Servant sent running to tell Madame Helvetius that we have come for Breakfast. She leaves her toilet Table; she enters with her Hair half dressed. It is declared surprising that I have come, when you wrote me that you would not come. I Deny it. To prove it, they show me your Letter, which they have received and kept. Finally another Breakfast is ordered. One Servant runs for fresh Water, another for Coals. The Bellows are plied with a will. I was very Hungry; it was so late; "a watched pot is slow to boil," as Poor Richard says. Madame sets out for Paris & leaves us. We begin to eat. The Butter is soon finished. The Abbe asks if we want more. Yes, of course. He rings. No one comes. We talk; he forgets the Butter. I began scraping the Dish; at that he seizes it & runs to the Kitchen for some. After a while he comes slowly back, saying mournfully that there is no more of it in the House. To entertain me the Abbe proposes a Walk; my feet refuse. And so we give up Breakfast; & we go upstairs to his apartment to let his good Books furnish the end of our Repast -- . I am left utterly disconsolate, having, instead of half a Dozen of your sweet, affectionate, substantial, & heartily applied Kisses, which I expected from your Charity, having received only the Shadow of one given by Madame Helvetius, willingly enough, it is true, but the lightest & most superficial kiss that can possibly be imagined. c. 1778 _Passport for Captain Cook_ To all Captains and Commanders of armed Ships acting by Commission from the Congress of the United States of America, now in war with Great Britain. Gentlemen, A Ship having been fitted out from England before the Commencement of this War, to make Discoveries of new Countries in Unknown Seas, under the Conduct of that most celebrated Navigator and Discoverer Captain Cook; an Undertaking truly laudable in itself, as the Increase of Geographical Knowledge facilitates the Communication between distant Nations, in the Exchange of useful Products and Manufactures, and the Extension of Arts, whereby the common Enjoyments of human Life are multiply'd and augmented, and Science of other kinds increased to the benefit of Mankind in general; this is, therefore, most earnestly to recommend to every one of you, that, in case the said Ship, which is now expected to be soon in the European Seas on her Return, should happen to fall into your Hands, you would not consider her as an Enemy, nor suffer any Plunder to be made of the Effects contain'd in her, nor obstruct her immediate Return to England, by detaining her or sending her into any other Part of Europe or to America, but that you would treat the said Captain Cook and his People with all Civility and Kindness, affording them, as common Friends to Mankind, all the Assistance in your Power, which they may happen to stand in need of. In so doing you will not only gratify the Generosity of your own Dispositions, but there is no doubt of your obtaining the Approbation of the Congress, and your other American Owners. I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, your most obedient humble Servant. Given at Passy, near Paris, this 10th day of March, 1779. _Plenipotentiary from the Congress of the United States to the Court of France._ _The Morals of Chess_ [Playing at chess is the most ancient and most universal game known among men; for its original is beyond the memory of history, and it has, for numberless ages, been the amusement of all the civilised nations of Asia, the Persians, the Indians, and the Chinese. Europe has had it above a thousand years; the Spaniards have spread it over their part of America; and it has lately begun to make its appearance in the United States. It is so interesting in itself, as not to need the view of gain to induce engaging in it; and thence it is seldom played for money. Those therefore who have leisure for such diversions, cannot find one that is more innocent: and the following piece, written with a view to correct (among a few young friends) some little improprieties in the practice of it, shows at the same time that it may, in its effects on the mind, be not merely innocent, but advantageous, to the vanquished as well as the victor.] The Game of Chess is not merely an idle Amusement. Several very valuable qualities of the Mind, useful in the course of human Life, are to be acquir'd or strengthened by it, so as to become habits, ready on all occasions. For Life is a kind of Chess, in which we often have Points to gain, & Competitors or Adversaries to contend with; and in which there is a vast variety of good and ill Events, that are in some degree the Effects of Prudence or the want of it. By playing at Chess, then, we may learn, I. _Foresight_, which looks a little into futurity, and considers the Consequences that may attend an action; for it is continually occurring to the Player, "If I move this piece, what will be the advantages or disadvantages of my new situation? What Use can my Adversary make of it to annoy me? What other moves can I make to support it, and to defend myself from his attacks?" II. _Circumspection_, which surveys the whole Chessboard, or scene of action; the relations of the several pieces and situations, the Dangers they are respectively exposed to, the several possibilities of their aiding each other, the probabilities that the Adversary may make this or that move, and attack this or the other Piece, and what different Means can be used to avoid his stroke, or turn its consequences against him. III. _Caution_, not to make our moves too hastily. This habit is best acquired, by observing strictly the laws of the Game; such as, _If you touch a Piece, you must move it somewhere; if you set it down, you must let it stand._ And it is therefore best that these rules should be observed, as the Game becomes thereby more the image of human Life, and particularly of War; in which, if you have incautiously put yourself into a bad and dangerous position, you cannot obtain your Enemy's Leave to withdraw your Troops, and place them more securely, but you must abide all the consequences of your rashness. And _lastly_, we learn by Chess the habit of not being discouraged by present appearances in the state of our affairs, the habit of hoping for a favourable Change, and that of persevering in the search of resources. The Game is so full of Events, there is such a variety of turns in it, the Fortune of it is so subject to sudden Vicissitudes, and one so frequently, after long contemplation, discovers the means of extricating one's self from a supposed insurmountable Difficulty, that one is encouraged to continue the Contest to the last, in hopes of Victory from our own skill, or at least of getting a stale mate, from the Negligence of our Adversary. And whoever considers, what in Chess he often sees instances of, that particular pieces of success are apt to produce Presumption, & its consequent Inattention, by which more is afterwards lost than was gain'd by the preceding Advantage, while misfortunes produce more care and attention, by which the loss may be recovered, will learn not to be too much discouraged by any present success of his Adversary, nor to despair of final good fortune upon every little Check he receives in the pursuit of it. That we may therefore be induced more frequently to chuse this beneficial amusement, in preference to others which are not attended with the same advantages, every Circumstance that may increase the pleasure of it should be regarded; and every action or word that is unfair, disrespectful, or that in any way may give uneasiness, should be avoided, as contrary to the immediate intention of both the Players, which is to pass the Time agreably. Therefore, first, if it is agreed to play according to the strict rules, then those rules are to be exactly observed by both parties, and should not be insisted on for one side, while deviated from by the other -- for this is not equitable. Secondly, if it is agreed not to observe the rules exactly, but one party demands indulgencies, he should then be as willing to allow them to the other. Thirdly, no false move should ever be made to extricate yourself out of difficulty, or to gain an advantage. There can be no pleasure in playing with a person once detected in such unfair practice. Fourthly, if your adversary is long in playing, you ought not to hurry him, or express any uneasiness at his delay. You should not sing, nor whistle, nor look at your watch, nor take up a book to read, nor make a tapping with your feet on the floor, or with your fingers on the table, nor do any thing that may disturb his attention. For all these things displease; and they do not show your skill in playing, but your craftiness or your rudeness. Fifthly, you ought not to endeavour to amuse and deceive your adversary, by pretending to have made bad moves, and saying that you have now lost the game, in order to make him secure and careless, and inattentive to your schemes: for this is fraud and deceit, not skill in the game. Sixthly, you must not, when you have gained a victory, use any triumphing or insulting expression, nor show too much pleasure; but endeavour to console your adversary, and make him less dissatisfied with himself, by every kind of civil expression that may be used with truth, such as, "you understand the game better than I, but you are a little inattentive;" or, "you play too fast;" or, "you had the best of the game, but something happened to divert your thoughts, and that turned it in my favour." Seventhly, if you are a spectator while others play, observe the most perfect silence. For, if you give advice, you offend both parties, him against whom you give it, because it may cause the loss of his game, him in whose favour you give it, because, though it be good, and he follows it, he loses the pleasure he might have had, if you had permitted him to think until it had occurred to himself. Even after a move or moves, you must not, by replacing the pieces, show how they might have been placed better; for that displeases, and may occasion disputes and doubts about their true situation. All talking to the players lessens or diverts their attention, and is therefore unpleasing. Nor should you give the least hint to either party, by any kind of noise or motion. If you do, you are unworthy to be a spectator. If you have a mind to exercise or show your judgment, do it in playing your own game, when you have an opportunity, not in criticizing, or meddling with, or counselling the play of others. Lastly, if the game is not to be played rigorously, according to the rules above mentioned, then moderate your desire of victory over your adversary, and be pleased with one over yourself. Snatch not eagerly at every advantage offered by his unskilfulness or inattention; but point out to him kindly, that by such a move he places or leaves a piece in danger and unsupported; that by another he will put his king in a perilous situation, &c. By this generous civility (so opposite to the unfairness above forbidden) you may, indeed, happen to lose the game to your opponent; but you will win what is better, his esteem, his respect, and his affection, together with the silent approbation and good-will of impartial spectators. June, 1779 _The Whistle_ _Passy, November_ 10 1779. I received my dear Friend's two Letters, one for Wednesday & one for Saturday. This is again Wednesday. I do not deserve one for to day, because I have not answered the former. But indolent as I am, and averse to Writing, the Fear of having no more of your pleasing Epistles, if I do not contribute to the Correspondance, obliges me to take up my Pen: And as M. B. has kindly sent me Word, that he sets out to-morrow to see you; instead of spending this Wednesday Evening as I have long done its Name-sakes, in your delightful Company, I sit down to spend it in thinking of you, in writing to you, & in reading over & over again your Letters. I am charm'd with your Description of Paradise, & with your Plan of living there. And I approve much of your Conclusion, that in the mean time we should draw all the Good we can from this World. In my Opinion we might all draw more Good, from it than we do, & suffer less Evil, if we would but take care _not to give too much for our Whistles._ For to me it seems that most of the unhappy People we meet with, are become so by Neglect of that Caution. You ask what I mean? -- You love Stories, and will excuse my telling you one of my self. When I was a Child of seven Years old, my Friends on a Holiday fill'd my little Pocket with Halfpence. I went directly to a Shop where they sold Toys for Children; and being charm'd with the Sound of a Whistle that I met by the way, in the hands of another Boy, I voluntarily offer'd and gave all my Money for it. When I came home, whistling all over the House, much pleas'd with my Whistle, but disturbing all the Family, my Brothers, Sisters & Cousins, understanding the Bargain I had made, told me I had given four times as much for it as it was worth, put me in mind what good Things I might have bought with the rest of the Money, & laught at me so much for my Folly that I cry'd with Vexation; and the Reflection gave me more Chagrin than the Whistle gave me Pleasure. This however was afterwards of use to me, the Impression continuing on my Mind; so that often when I was tempted to buy some unnecessary thing, I said to my self, _Do not give too much for the Whistle_; and I sav'd my Money. As I grew up, came into the World, and observed the Actions of Men, I thought I met many _who gave too much for the Whistle_. -- When I saw one ambitious of Court Favour, sacrificing his Time in Attendance at Levees, his Repose, his Liberty, his Virtue and perhaps his Friend, to obtain it; I have said to my self, _This Man gives too much for his Whistle_. -- When I saw another fond of Popularity, constantly employing himself in political Bustles, neglecting his own Affairs, and ruining them by the Neglect, _He pays_, says I, _too much for his Whistle_. -- If I knew a Miser, who gave up every kind of comfortable Living, all the pleasure of doing Good to others, all the Esteem of his Fellow Citizens, & the Joys of benevolent Friendship, for the sake of Accumulating Wealth, _Poor Man_, says I, _you pay too much for your Whistle_. -- When I met with a Man of Pleasure, sacrificing every laudable Improvement of his Mind or of his Fortune, to mere corporeal Satisfactions, & ruining his Health in their Pursuit, _Mistaken Man_, says I, _you are providing Pain for your self instead of Pleasure, you pay too much for your Whistle_. -- If I see one fond of Appearance, of fine Cloaths, fine Houses, fine Furniture, fine Equipages, all above his Fortune, for which he contracts Debts, and ends his Career in a Prison; _Alas_, says I, _he has paid too much for his Whistle._ -- When I saw a beautiful sweet-temper'd Girl, marry'd to an ill-natured Brute of a Husband; _What a Pity_, says I, _that she should pay so much for a Whistle!_ -- In short, I conceiv'd that great Part of the Miseries of Mankind, were brought upon them by the false Estimates they had made of the Value of Things, and by their _giving too much for the Whistle._ Yet I ought to have Charity for these unhappy People, when I consider that with all this Wisdom of which I am boasting, there are certain things in the World so tempting; for Example the Apples of King John, which happily are not to be bought, for if they were put to sale by Auction, I might very easily be led to ruin my self in the Purchase, and find that I had once more _given too much for the Whistle._ Adieu, my dearest Friend, and believe me ever yours very sincerely and with unalterable Affection. Passy, 1779 _The Levee_ In the first chapter of Job we have an account of a transaction said to have arisen in the court, or at the _levee_, of the best of all possible princes, or of governments by a single person, viz. that of God himself. At this _levee_, in which the sons of God were assembled, Satan also appeared. It is probable the writer of that ancient book took his idea of this _levee_ from those of the eastern monarchs of the age he lived in. It is to this day usual at the _levees_ of princes, to have persons assembled who are enemies to each other, who seek to obtain favor by whispering calumny and detraction, and thereby ruining those that distinguish themselves by their virtue and merit. And kings frequently ask a familiar question or two, of every one in the circle, merely to show their benignity. These circumstances are particularly exemplified in this relation. If a modern king, for instance, finds a person in the circle who has not lately been there, he naturally asks him how he has passed his time since he last had the pleasure of seeing him? the gentleman perhaps replies that he has been in the country to view his estates, and visit some friends. Thus Satan being asked whence he cometh? answers, "From going to and fro in the earth, and walking up and down in it." And being further asked, whether he had considered the uprightness and fidelity of the prince's servant Job, he immediately displays all the malignance of the designing courtier, by answering with another question: "Doth Job serve God for naught? Hast thou not given him immense wealth, and protected him in the possession of it? Deprive him of that, and he will curse thee to thy face." In modern phrase, Take away his places and his pensions, and your Majesty will soon find him in the opposition. This whisper against Job had its effect. He was delivered into the power of his adversary, who deprived him of his fortune, destroyed his family, and completely ruined him. The book of Job is called by divines a sacred poem, and, with the rest of the Holy Scriptures, is understood to be written for our instruction. What then is the instruction to be gathered from this supposed transaction? Trust not a single person with the government of your state. For if the Deity himself, being the monarch may for a time give way to calumny, and suffer it to operate the destruction of the best of subjects; what mischief may you not expect from such power in a mere man, though the best of men, from whom the truth is often industriously hidden, and to whom falsehood is often presented in its place, by artful, interested, and malicious courtiers? And be cautious in trusting him even with limited powers, lest sooner or later he sap and destroy those limits, and render himself absolute. For by the disposal of places, he attaches to himself all the with their numerous connexions, and also all the expecters and hopers of places, which will form a strong party in promoting his views. By various political engagements for the interest of neighbouring states or princes, he procures their aid in establishing his own personal power. So that, through the hopes of emolument in one part of his subjects, and the fear of his resentment in the other, all opposition falls before him. 1779? _Proposed New Version of the Bible_ TO THE PRINTER OF * * * SIR, It is now more than one hundred and seventy years since the translation of our common English Bible. The language in that time is much changed, and the style, being obsolete, and thence less agreeable, is perhaps one reason why the reading of that excellent book is of late so much neglected. I have therefore thought it would be well to procure a new version, in which, preserving the sense, the turn of phrase and manner of expression should be modern. I do not pretend to have the necessary abilities for such a work myself; I throw out the hint for the consideration of the learned; and only venture to send you a few verses of the first chapter of Job, which may serve as a sample of the kind of version I would recommend. A. B. PART OF THE FIRST CHAPTER OF JOB MODERNIZED OLD TEXT NEW VERSION Verse 6. Now there was a day Verse 6. And it being _levee_ when the sons of God came to present day in heaven, all God's nobility themselves before the Lord, and came to present themselves before Satan came also amongst them. him; and Satan also appeared in the circle, as one of the ministry. 7. And the Lord said unto 7. And God said to Satan, Satan, Whence comest thou? Then You have been some time absent; Satan answered the Lord, and said, where were you? And Satan answered From going to and fro in the earth, I have been at my country-seat, and from walking up and down in it. and in different places visiting my friends. 8. And the Lord said unto 8. And God said, Well what Satan, Hast thou considered my think you of Lord Job? You see he servant Job, that there is none like is my best friend, a perfectly him in the earth, a perfect and an honest man, full of respect for upright man, one that feareth God, me, and avoiding every thing that and escheweth evil? might offend me. 9. Then Satan answered the 9. And Satan answered, Does Lord, and said, Doth Job fear God your Majesty imagine that his good for naught? conduct is the effect of mere personal attachment and affection? 10. Hast thou not made an 10. Have you not protected hedge about his house, and about all him, and heaped your benefits upon that he hath on every side? Thou hast him, till he is grown enormously blessed the work of his hands, and rich? his substance is increased in the land. 11. But put forth thine hand 11. Try him; -- only withdraw now, and touch all that he hath, and your favor, turn him out of his he will curse thee to thy face. places, and withhold his pensions, and you will soon find him in the opposition. 1779? _Drinking Song_ TO THE ABBE DE LA ROCHE, AT AUTEUIL I have run over, my dear friend, the little book of poetry by M. Helvetius, with which you presented me. The poem on _Happiness_ pleased me much, and brought to my recollection a little drinking song which I wrote forty years ago upon the same subject, and which is nearly on the same plan, with many of the same thoughts, but very concisely expressed. It is as follows: -- _Singer._ Fair Venus calls, her voice obey, In beauty's arms spend night and day. The joys of love, all joys excel, And loving's certainly doing well. _Chorus._ Oh! no! Not so! For honest souls know, Friends and a bottle still bear the bell. _Singer._ Then let us get money, like bees lay up honey; We'll build us new hives, and store each cell. The sight of our treasure shall yield us great pleasure; We'll count it, and chink it, and jingle it well. _Chorus._ Oh! no! Not so! For honest souls know, Friends and a bottle still bear the bell. _Singer._ If this does not fit ye, let's govern the city, In power is pleasure no tongue can tell; By crowds tho' you're teas'd, your pride shall be pleas'd, And this can make Lucifer happy in hell! _Chorus._ Oh! no! Not so! For honest souls know, Friends and a bottle still bear the bell. _Singer._ Then toss off your glasses, and scorn the dull asses, Who, missing the kernel, still gnaw the shell; What's love, rule, or riches? wise Solomon teaches, They're vanity, vanity, vanity, still. _Chorus._ That's true; He knew; He'd tried them all through; Friends and a bottle still bore the bell. 'Tis a singer, my dear Abbe, who exhorts his companions to seek _happiness_ in _love_, in _riches_, and in _power._ They reply, singing together, that happiness is not to be found in any of these things; that it is only to be found in _friends_ and _wine._ To this proposition the singer at last assents. The phrase _"bear the bell,"_ answers to the French expression, _"obtain the prize."_ I have often remarked, in reading the works of M. Helvetius, that although we were born and educated in two countries so remote from each other, we have often been inspired with the same thoughts; and it is a reflection very flattering to me, that we have not only loved the same studies, but, as far as we have mutually known them, the same friends, and _the same woman._ Adieu! my dear friend, &c. 1779? _A Tale_ There was once an Officer, a worthy man, named Montresor, who was very ill. His parish Priest, thinking he would die, advised him to make his Peace with God, so that he would be received into Paradise. "I don't feel much Uneasiness on that Score," said Montresor; "for last Night I had a Vision which set me entirely at rest." "What Vision did you have?" asked the good Priest. "I was," he said, "at the Gate of Paradise with a Crowd of People who wanted to enter. And St. Peter asked each of them what Religion he belonged to. One answered, `I am a Roman Catholic.' `Very well,' said St. Peter; `come in, & take your Place over there among the Catholics.' Another said he belonged to the Anglican Church. `Very well,' said St. Peter; `come in, & take your Place over there among the Anglicans.' Another said he was a Quaker. `Very well,' said St. Peter; `come in, & take a Place among the Quakers.' Finally he asked me what my Religion was. `Alas!' I replied, `unfortunately, poor Jacques Montresor belongs to none at all.' `That's a pity,' said the Saint. `I don't know where to put you but come in anyway; just find a Place for yourself wherever you can.'" 1779? _On Wine_ FROM THE ABBE FRANKLIN TO THE ABBE MORELLET You have often enlivened me, my dear friend, by your excellent drinking-songs; in return, I beg to edify you by some Christian, moral, and philosophical reflections upon the same subject. _In vino veritas_, says the wise man, -- _Truth is in wine._ Before the days of Noah, then, men, having nothing but water to drink, could not discover the truth. Thus they went astray, became abominably wicked, and were justly exterminated by _water_, which they loved to drink. The good man Noah, seeing that through this pernicious beverage all his contemporaries had perished, took it in aversion; and to quench his thirst God created the vine, and revealed to him the means of converting its fruit into wine. By means of this liquor he discovered numberless important truths; so that ever since his time the word to _divine_ has been in common use, signifying originally, _to discover by means of_ WINE. (VIN) Thus the patriarch Joseph took upon himself to _divine_ by means of a cup or glass of wine, a liquor which obtained this name to show that it was not of human but _divine_ invention (another proof of the _antiquity_ of the French language, in opposition to M. Geebelin); nay, since that time, all things of peculiar excellence, even the Deities themselves, have been called _Divine_ or Di_vin_ities. We hear of the conversion of water into wine at the marriage in Cana as of a miracle. But this conversion is, through the goodness of God, made every day before our eyes. Behold the rain which descends from heaven upon our vineyards; there it enters the roots of the vines, to be changed into wine; a constant proof that God loves us, and loves to see us happy. The miracle in question was only performed to hasten the operation, under circumstances of present necessity, which required it. It is true that God has also instructed man to reduce wine into water. But into what sort of water? -- _Water of Life._ (_Eaude Vie._) And this, that man may be able upon occasion to perform the miracle of Cana, and convert common water into that excellent species of wine which we call _punch._ My Christian brother, be kind and benevolent like God, and do not spoil his good drink. He made wine to gladden the heart of man; do not, therefore when at table you see your neighbor pour wine into his glass, be eager to mingle water with it. Why would you drown _truth_? It is probable that your neighbor knows better than you what suits him. Perhaps he does not like water; perhaps he would only put in a few drops for fashion's sake; perhaps he does not wish any one to observe how little he puts in his glass. Do not, then, offer water, except to children; 't is a mistaken piece of politeness, and often very inconvenient. I give you this hint as a man of the world; and I will finish as I began, like a good Christian, in making a religious observation of high importance, taken from the Holy Scriptures. I mean that the apostle Paul counselled Timothy very seriously to put wine into his water for the sake of his health; but that not one of the apostles or holy fathers ever recommended _putting water to wine._ P.S. To confirm still more your piety and gratitude to Divine Providence, reflect upon the situation which it has given to the _elbow._ You see (Figures 1 and 2) in animals, who are intended to drink the waters that flow upon the earth, that if they have long legs, they have also a long neck, so that they can get at their drink without kneeling down. But man, who was destined to drink wine, must be able to raise the glass to his mouth. If the elbow had been placed nearer the hand (as in Figure 3), the part in advance would have been too short to bring the glass up to the mouth; and if it had been placed nearer the shoulder, (as in Figure 4) that part would have been so long that it would have carried the wine far beyond the mouth. But by the actual situation, (represented in Figure 5), we are enabled to drink at our ease, the glass going exactly to the mouth. Let us, then, with glass in hand, adore this benevolent wisdom; -- let us adore and drink! 1779? _Dialogue Between the Gout and Mr. Franklin_ MIDNIGHT, OCTOBER 22, 1780 MR. F. Eh! oh! eh! What have I done to merit these cruel sufferings? THE GOUT Many things; you have ate and drank too freely, and too much indulged those legs of yours in their indolence. MR. F. Who is it that accuses me? THE GOUT It is I, even I, the Gout. MR. F. What! my enemy in person? THE GOUT No, not your enemy. MR. F. I repeat it, my enemy; for you would not only torment my body to death, but ruin my good name; you reproach me as a glutton and a tippler; now all the world, that knows me, will allow that I am neither the one nor the other. THE GOUT The world may think as it pleases; it is always very complaisant to itself, and sometimes to its friends; but I very well know that the quantity of meat and drink proper for a man who takes a reasonable degree of exercise, would be too much for another who never takes any. MR. F. I take -- eh! oh! -- as much exercise -- eh! -- as I can, Madam Gout. You know my sedentary state, and on that account, it would seem, Madam Gout, as if you might spare me a little, seeing it is not altogether my own fault. THE GOUT Not a jot; your rhetoric and your politeness are thrown away; your apology avails nothing. If your situation in life is a sedentary one, your amusements, your recreation, at least, should be active. You ought to walk or ride; or, if the weather prevents that, play at billiards. But let us examine your course of life. While the mornings are long, and you have leisure to go abroad, what do you do? Why, instead of gaining an appetite for breakfast by salutary exercise, you amuse yourself with books, pamphlets, or newspapers, which commonly are not worth the reading. Yet you eat an inordinate breakfast, four dishes of tea with cream, and one or two buttered toasts, with slices of hung beef, which I fancy are not things the most easily digested. Immediately afterwards you sit down to write at your desk, or converse with persons who apply to you on business. Thus the time passes till one, without any kind of bodily exercise. But all this I could pardon, in regard, as you say, to your sedentary condition. But what is your practice after dinner? Walking in the beautiful gardens of those friends with whom you have dined would be the choice of men of sense; yours is to be fixed down to chess, where you are found engaged for two or three hours! This is your perpetual recreation, which is the least eligible of any for a sedentary man, because, instead of accelerating the motion of the fluids, the rigid attention it requires helps to retard the circulation and obstruct internal secretions. Wrapt in the speculations of this wretched game, you destroy your constitution. What can be expected from such a course of living but a body replete with stagnant humours, ready to fall a prey to all kinds of dangerous maladies, if I, the Gout, did not occasionally bring you relief by agitating those humours, and so purifying or dissipating them? If it was in some nook or alley in Paris, deprived of walks, that you played a while at chess after dinner, this might be excusable; but the same taste prevails with you in Passy, Auteuil, Montmartre, or Sanoy, places where there are the finest gardens and walks, a pure air, beautiful women, and most agreeable and instructive conversation: all which you might enjoy by frequenting the walks. But these are rejected for this abominable game of chess. Fie, then, Mr. Franklin! But amidst my instructions, I had almost forgot to administer my wholesome corrections; so take that twinge -- and that. MR. F. Oh! eh! oh! ohhh! As much instruction as you please, Madam Gout, and as many reproaches; but pray, Madam, a truce with your corrections! THE GOUT No, Sir, no, I will not abate a particle of what is so much for your good -- therefore ------ Mr. F. Oh! ehhh! -- It is not fair to say I take no exercise, when I do very often, going out to dine and returning in my carriage. THE GOUT That, of all imaginable exercises, is the most slight and insignificant, if you allude to the motion of a carriage suspended on springs. By observing the degree of heat obtained by different kinds of motion, we may form an estimate of the quantity of exercise given by each. Thus, for example, if you turn out to walk in winter with cold feet, in an hour's time you will be in a glow all over; ride on horseback, the same effect will scarcely be perceived by four hours' round trotting; but if you loll in a carriage, such as you have mentioned, you may travel all day and gladly enter the last inn to warm your feet by a fire. Flatter yourself then no longer that half an hour's airing in your carriage deserves the name of exercise. Providence has appointed few to roll in carriages, while he has given to all a pair of legs, which are machines infinitely more commodious and serviceable. Be grateful, then, and make a proper use of yours. Would you know how they forward the circulation of your fluids in the very action of transporting you from place to place, observe when you walk that all your weight is alternately thrown from one leg to the other; this occasions a great pressure on the vessels of the foot, and repels their contents; when relieved, by the weight being thrown on the other foot, the vessels of the first are allowed to replenish, and by a return of this weight, this repulsion again succeeds; thus accelerating the circulation of the blood. The heat produced in any given time depends on the degree of this acceleration; the fluids are shaken, the humours attenuated, the secretions facilitated, and all goes well; the cheeks are ruddy, and health is established. Behold your fair friend at Auteuil; a lady who received from bounteous nature more really useful science than half a dozen such pretenders to philosophy as you have been able to extract from all your books. When she honours you with a visit, it is on foot. She walks all hours of the day, and leaves indolence, and its concomitant maladies, to be endured by her horses. In this, see at once the preservative of her health and personal charms. But when you go to Auteuil, you must have your carriage, though it is no farther from Passy to Auteuil than from Auteuil to Passy. Mr. F. Your reasonings grow very tiresome. THE GOUT I stand corrected. I will be silent and continue my office; take that, and that. MR. F. Oh! Ohh! Talk on, I pray you. THE GOUT No, no; I have a good number of twinges for you tonight, and you may be sure of some more tomorrow. MR. F. What, with such a fever! I shall go distracted. Oh! eh! Can no one bear it for me? THE GOUT Ask that of your horses; they have served you faithfully. MR. F. How can you so cruelly sport with my torments? THE GOUT Sport! I am very serious. I have here a list of offences against your own health distinctly written, and can justify every stroke inflicted on you. MR. F. Read it then. THE GOUT It is too long a detail; but I will briefly mention some particulars. MR. F. Proceed. I am all attention. THE GOUT Do you remember how often you have promised yourself, the following morning, a walk in the grove of Boulogne, in the garden de La Muette, or in your own garden, and have violated your promise, alleging, at one time, it was too cold, at another too warm, too windy, too moist, or what else you pleased; when in truth it was too nothing but your insuperable love of ease? MR. F. That I confess may have happened occasionally, probably ten times in a year. THE GOUT Your confession is very far short of the truth; the gross amount is one hundred and ninety-nine times. MR. F. Is it possible? THE GOUT So possible that it is fact; you may rely on the accuracy of my statement. You know M. Brillon's gardens, and what fine walks they contain; you know the handsome flight of an hundred steps which lead from the terrace above to the lawn below. You have been in the practice of visiting this amiable family twice a week, after dinner, and it is a maxim of your own, that "a man may take as much exercise in walking a mile up and down stairs, as in ten on level ground." What an opportunity was here for you to have had exercise in both these ways! Did you embrace it, and how often? MR. F. I cannot immediately answer that question. THE GOUT I will do it for you; not once. MR. F. Not once? THE GOUT Even so. During the summer you went there at six o'clock. You found the charming lady, with her lovely children and friends, eager to walk with you, and entertain you with their agreeable conversation; and what has been your choice? Why, to sit on the terrace, satisfying yourself with the fine prospect, and passing your eye over the beauties of the garden below, without taking one step to descend and walk about in them. On the contrary, you call for tea and the chess-board; and lo! you are occupied in your seat till nine o'clock, and that besides two hours' play after dinner; and then, instead of walking home, which would have bestirred you a little, you step into your carriage. How absurd to suppose that all this carelessness can be reconcilable with health, without my interposition! MR. F. I am convinced now of the justness of Poor Richard's remark, that "Our debts and our sins are always greater than we think for." THE GOUT So it is. You philosophers are sages in your maxims, and fools in your conduct. MR. F. But do you charge among my crimes that I return in a carriage from M. Brillon's? THE GOUT Certainly; for having been seated all the while, you cannot object the fatigue of the day, and cannot want therefore the relief of a carriage. MR. F. What then would you have me do with my carriage? THE GOUT Burn it if you choose; you would at least get heat out of it once in this way; or if you dislike that proposal, here's another for you; observe the poor peasants who work in the vineyards and grounds about the villages of Passy, Auteuil, Chaillot, etc.; you may find every day among these deserving creatures four or five old men and women, bent and perhaps crippled by weight of years, and too long and too great labour. After a most fatiguing day these people have to trudge a mile or two to their smoky huts. Order your coachman to set them down. This is an act that will be good for your soul; and, at the same time, after your visit to the Brillons, if you return on foot, that will be good for your body. MR. F. Ah! how tiresome you are! THE GOUT Well, then, to my office; it should not be forgotten that I am your physician. There. MR. F. Ohhh! what a devil of a physician! THE GOUT How ungrateful you are to say so! Is it not I who, in the character of your physician, have saved you from the palsy, dropsy, and apoplexy? One or other of which would have done for you long ago but for me. MR. F. I submit, and thank you for the past, but entreat the discontinuance of your visits for the future; for in my mind, one had better die than be cured so dolefully. Permit me just to hint that I have also not been unfriendly to _you._ I never feed physician or quack of any kind, to enter the list against you; if then you do not leave me to my repose, it may be said you are ungrateful too. THE GOUT I can scarcely acknowledge that as any objection. As to quacks, I despise them; they may kill you indeed, but cannot injure me. And as to regular physicians, they are at last convinced that the gout, in such a subject as you are, is no disease, but a remedy; and wherefore cure a remedy? -- but to our business -- there. MR. F. Oh! oh! -- for Heaven's sake leave me! and I promise faithfully never more to play at chess, but to take exercise daily, and live temperately. THE GOUT I know you too well. You promise fair; but, after a few months of good health, you will return to your old habits; your fine promises will be forgotten like the forms of the last year's clouds. Let us then finish the account, and I will go. But I leave you with an assurance of visiting you again at a proper time and place; for my object is your good, and you are sensible now that I am your _real friend._ _The Handsome and the Deformed Leg_ There are two Sorts of People in the World, who with equal Degrees of Health & Wealth and the other Comforts of Life, become, the one happy, the other unhappy. This arises very much from the different Views in which they consider Things, Persons, and Events; and the Effect of those different Views upon their own Minds. In whatever Situation Men can be plac'd, they may find Conveniencies and Inconveniencies: In whatever Company, they may find Persons & Conversations more or less pleasing: At whatever Table they may meet with Meats and Drinks of better and worse Taste, Dishes better and worse dress'd: In whatever Climate they will find good and bad Weather: Under whatever Government, they may find good and bad Laws, and good and bad Administration of those Laws: In every Poem or Work of Genius, they may see Faults and Beauties: In almost every Face & every Person, they may discover fine Features and Defects, good & bad Qualities. Under these Circumstances, the two Sorts of People above-mention'd fix their Attention, those who are to be happy, on the Conveniencies of Things, the pleasant Parts of Conversation, the well-dress'd & well-tasted Dishes, the Goodness of the Wines, the Fine Weather, &c. &c. &c. and enjoy all with Chearfulness: Those who are to be unhappy think and speak only of the contraries. Hence they are continually discontented themselves, and by their Remarks sour the Pleasures of Society, offend personally many People, and make themselves every where disagreable. If this Turn of Mind was founded in Nature, such unhappy Persons would be the more to be pitied. But as the Disposition to criticise and be disgusted is perhaps taken up originally by Imitation, and unawares grown into a Habit, which tho at present strong, may nevertheless be cured, when those who have it are convinc'd of its bad Effects on their Felicity, I hope this little Admonition may be of Service to them, and put them on changing a Habit, which tho in the Exercise is chiefly an Act of Imagination, yet it has serious Consequences in Life, as it brings on real Griefs and Misfortunes: For, as many are offended by, and nobody well loves this sort of People, no one shows them more than the most common Civility & Respect, and scarcely that; and this frequently puts them out of humour, and draws them into Disputes and Contentions. If they aim at obtaining some Advantage in Rank or Fortune, nobody wishes them Success, or will stir a Step, or speak a Word to favour their Pretensions. If they incur public Censure or Disgrace, no one will defend or excuse, and many join to aggravate their Misconduct, and render them compleatly odious. -- If these People will not change this bad Habit, and condescend to be pleas'd with what is pleasing, without fretting themselves and others about the Contraries, it is good for others to avoid an Acquaintance with them, which is always disagreable, and sometimes very inconvenient, particularly when one finds one's self entangled in their Quarrels. An old philosophical Friend of mine was grown from Experience very cautious in this particular and carefully shun'd any intimacy with such People. He had, like other Philosophers, a Thermometer to show him the Heat of the Weather, & a Barometer to mark when it was likely to prove good or bad; but there being no Instrument yet invented to discover at first Sight this unpleasing Disposition in a Person, he for that purpose made use of his Legs; one of which was remarkably handsome, the other by some Accident crooked and deform'd. If a Stranger, at the first Interview, regarded his ugly Leg more than his handsome one, he doubted him. If he spoke of it, and took no Notice of the handsome Leg, that was sufficient to determine my Philosopher to have no farther Acquaintance with him. Everybody has not this two-legged Instrument, but everyone with a little Attention may observe Signs of that carping fault-finding Disposition; and take the same Resolution of avoiding the Acquaintance of those infected with it. I therefore advise these critical, querulous, discontented unhappy People, that if they wish to be loved & respected by others and happy in themselves, they should _leave off looking at the ugly Leg._ November, 1780 _To the Royal Academy of_ * * * * * GENTLEMEN, I have perused your late mathematical Prize Question, proposed in lieu of one in Natural Philosophy, for the ensuing year, viz. _"Une figure quelconque donnee, on demande d'y inscrire le plus grand nombre de fois possible une autre figure plus-petite quelconque, qui est aussi donnee"._ I was glad to find by these following Words, _"l'Acadeemie a jugee que cette deecouverte, en eetendant les bornes de nos connoissances, ne seroit pas sans UTILITE"_, that you esteem _Utility_ an essential Point in your Enquiries, which has not always been the case with all Academies; and I conclude therefore that you have given this Question instead of a philosophical, or as the Learned express it, a physical one, because you could not at the time think of a physical one that promis'd greater _Utility._ Permit me then humbly to propose one of that sort for your consideration, and through you, if you approve it, for the serious Enquiry of learned Physicians, Chemists, &c. of this enlightened Age. It is universally well known, That in digesting our common Food, there is created or produced in the Bowels of human Creatures, a great Quantity of Wind. That the permitting this Air to escape and mix with the Atmosphere, is usually offensive to the Company, from the fetid Smell that accompanies it. That all well-bred People therefore, to avoid giving such Offence, forcibly restrain the Efforts of Nature to discharge that Wind. That so retain'd contrary to Nature, it not only gives frequently great present Pain, but occasions future Diseases, such as habitual Cholics, Ruptures, Tympanies, &c. often destructive of the Constitution, & sometimes of Life itself. Were it not for the odiously offensive Smell accompanying such Escapes, polite People would probably be under no more Restraint in discharging such Wind in Company, than they are in spitting, or in blowing their Noses. My Prize Question therefore should be, _To discover some Drug wholesome & not disagreable, to be mix'd with our common Food, or Sauces, that shall render the natural Discharges of Wind from our Bodies, not only inoffensive, but agreable as Perfumes._ That this is not a chimerical Project, and altogether impossible, may appear from these Considerations. That we already have some Knowledge of Means capable of _Varying_ that Smell. He that dines on stale Flesh, especially with much Addition of Onions, shall be able to afford a Stink that no Company can tolerate; while he that has lived for some Time on Vegetables only, shall have that Breath so pure as to be insensible to the most delicate Noses; and if he can manage so as to avoid the Report, he may any where give Vent to his Griefs, unnoticed. But as there are many to whom an entire Vegetable Diet would be inconvenient, and as a little Quick-Lime thrown into a Jakes will correct the amazing Quantity of fetid Air arising from the vast Mass of putrid Matter contain'd in such Places, and render it rather pleasing to the Smell, who knows but that a little Powder of Lime (or some other thing equivalent) taken in our Food, or perhaps a Glass of Limewater drank at Dinner, may have the same Effect on the Air produc'd in and issuing from our Bowels? This is worth the Experiment. Certain it is also that we have the Power of changing by slight Means the Smell of another Discharge, that of our Water. A few Stems of Asparagus eaten, shall give our Urine a disagreable Odour; and a Pill of Turpentine no bigger than a Pea, shall bestow on it the pleasing Smell of Violets. And why should it be thought more impossible in Nature, to find Means of making a Perfume of our _Wind_ than of our _Water_? For the Encouragement of this Enquiry, (from the immortal Honour to be reasonably expected by the Inventor) let it be considered of how small Importance to Mankind, or to how small a Part of Mankind have been useful those Discoveries in Science that have heretofore made Philosophers famous. Are there twenty Men in Europe at this Day, the happier, or even the easier, for any Knowledge they have pick'd out of Aristotle? What Comfort can the Vortices of Descartes give to a Man who has Whirlwinds in his Bowels! The Knowledge of Newton's mutual _Attraction_ of the Particles of Matter, can it afford Ease to him who is rack'd by their mutual _Repulsion_, and the cruel Distensions it occasions? The Pleasure arising to a few Philosophers, from seeing, a few Times in their Life, the Threads of Light untwisted, and separated by the Newtonian Prism into seven Colours, can it be compared with the Ease and Comfort every Man living might feel seven times a Day, by discharging freely the Wind from his Bowels? Especially if it be converted into a Perfume: For the Pleasures of one Sense being little inferior to those of another, instead of pleasing the _Sight_ he might delight the _Smell_ of those about him, & make Numbers happy, which to a benevolent Mind must afford infinite Satisfaction. The generous Soul, who now endeavours to find out whether the Friends he entertains like best Claret or Burgundy, Champagne or Madeira, would then enquire also whether they chose Musk or Lilly, Rose or Bergamot, and provide accordingly. And surely such a Liberty of _Expressing_ one's _Scentiments_, and _pleasing one another_, is of infinitely more Importance to human Happiness than that Liberty of the _Press_, or of _abusing one another_, which the English are so ready to fight & die for. -- In short, this Invention, if compleated, would be, as _Bacon_ expresses it, _bringing Philosophy home to Mens Business and Bosoms._ And I cannot but conclude, that in Comparison therewith, for _universal_ and _continual UTILITY_, the Science of the Philosophers above-mentioned, even with the Addition, Gentlemen, of your _"Figure quelconque"_ and the Figures inscrib'd in it, are, all together, scarcely worth a FART-HING. Passy, c. 1781 _Notes for Conversation_ To make a Peace durable, what may give Occasion for future Wars should if practicable be removed. The Territory of the United States and that of Canada, by long extended Frontiers, touch each other. The Settlers on the Frontiers of the American Provinces are generally the most disorderly of the People, who, being far removed from the Eye and Controll of their respective Governments, are more bold in committing Offences against Neighbours, and are for ever occasioning Complaints and furnishing Matter for fresh Differences between their States. By the late Debates in Parliament, and publick Writings, it appears, that Britain desires a _Reconciliation_ with the Americans. It is a sweet Word. It means much more than a mere Peace, and what is heartily to be wish'd for. Nations make a Peace whenever they are both weary of making War. But, if one of them has made War upon the other unjustly, and has wantonly and unnecessarily done it great Injuries, and refuses Reparation, though there may, for the present, be Peace, the Resentment of those Injuries will remain, and will break out again in Vengeance when Occasions offer. These Occasions will be watch'd for by one side, fear'd by the other, and the Peace will never be secure; nor can any Cordiality subsist between them. Many Houses and Villages have been burnt in America by the English and their Allies, the Indians. I do not know that the Americans will insist on reparation; perhaps they may. But would it not be better for England to offer it? Nothing could have a greater Tendency to conciliate, and much of the future Commerce and returning Intercourse between the two Countries may depend on the Reconciliation. Would not the advantage of Reconciliation by such means be greater than the Expence? If then a Way can be proposed, which may tend to efface the Memory of Injuries, at the same time that it takes away the Occasions of fresh Quarrel and Mischief, will it not be worth considering, especially if it can be done, not only without Expence, but be a means of saving? Britain possesses Canada. Her chief Advantage from that Possession consists in the Trade for Peltry. Her Expences in governing and defending that Settlement must be considerable. It might be humiliating to her to give it up on the Demand of America. Perhaps America will not demand it; some of her political Rulers may consider the fear of such a Neighbour, as a means of keeping 13 States more united among themselves, and more attentive to Military Discipline. But on the Minds of the People in general would it not have an excellent Effect, if Britain should voluntarily offer to give up this Province; tho' on these Conditions, that she shall in all times coming have and enjoy the Right of Free Trade thither, unincumbred with any Duties whatsoever; that so much of the vacant Lands there shall be sold, as will raise a Sum sufficient to pay for the Houses burnt by the British Troops and their Indians; and also to indemnify the Royalists for the Confiscation of their Estates? This is mere Conversation matter between Mr. O. and Mr. F., as the former is not impower'd to make Propositions, and the latter cannot make any without the Concurrence of his Colleagues. April 18, 1782 Numb. 705. _Supplement to the Boston Independent Chronicle_ BOSTON, March 12. _Extract of a Letter from Capt._ Gerrish, _of the_ New-England _Militia,_ _dated_ Albany, March 7. ------ The Peltry taken in the Expedition [_See the Account of the Expedition to_ Oswegatchie _on the River St._ Laurence, _in our Paper of the_ 1_st Instant._] will as you see amount to a good deal of Money. The Possession of this Booty at first gave us Pleasure; but we were struck with Horror to find among the Packages, 8 large ones containing SCALPS of our unhappy Country-folks, taken in the three last Years by the Senneka Indians from the Inhabitants of the Frontiers of New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, and sent by them as a Present to Col. Haldimand, Governor of Canada, in order to be by him transmitted to England. They were accompanied by the following curious Letter to that Gentleman. _May it please your Excellency, _Teoga, Jan._ 3_d,_ 1782. "At the Request of the Senneka Chiefs I send herewith to your Excellency, under the Care of James Boyd, eight Packs of Scalps, cured, dried, hooped and painted, with all the Indian triumphal Marks, of which the following is Invoice and Explanation. No. 1. Containing 43 Scalps of Congress Soldiers killed in different Skirmishes; these are stretched on black Hoops, 4 Inches diameter; the inside of the Skin painted red, with a small black Spot to note their being killed with Bullets. Also 62 of Farmers, killed in their Houses; the Hoops red; the Skin painted brown, and marked with a Hoe; a black Circle all round, to denote their being surprised in the Night; and a black Hatchet in the Middle, signifying their being killed with that Weapon. No. 2. Containing 98 of Farmers killed in their Houses; Hoops red; Figure of a Hoe, to mark their Profession; great white Circle and Sun, to shew they were surprised in the Day-time; a little red Foot, to shew they stood upon their Defence, and died fighting for their Lives and Families. No. 3. Containing 97 of Farmers; Hoops green, to shew they were killed in their Fields; a large white Circle with a little round Mark on it for the Sun, to shew that it was in the Day-time; black Bullet-mark on some, Hatchet on others. No. 4. Containing 102 of Farmers, mixed of the several Marks above; only 18 marked with a little yellow Flame, to denote their being of Prisoners burnt alive, after being scalped, their Nails pulled out by the Roots, and other Torments: one of these latter supposed to be of a rebel Clergyman, his Band being fixed to the Hoop of his Scalp. Most of the Farmers appear by the Hair to have been young or middle-aged Men; there being but 67 very grey Heads among them all; which makes the Service more essential. No. 5. Containing 88 Scalps of Women; Hair long, braided in the Indian Fashion, to shew they were Mothers; Hoops blue; Skin yellow Ground, with little red Tadpoles to represent, by way of Triumph, the Tears or Grief occasioned to their Relations; a black scalping Knife or Hatchet at the Bottom, to mark their being killed with those Instruments. 17 others, Hair very grey; black Hoops; plain brown Colour; no Mark but the short Club or Cassetete, to shew they were knocked down dead, or had their Brains beat out. No. 6. Containing 193 Boys' Scalps, of various Ages; small green Hoops; whitish Ground on the Skin, with red Tears in the Middle, and black Bullet-marks, Knife, Hatchet, or Club, as their Deaths happened. No. 7. 211 Girls' Scalps, big and little; small yellow Hoops; white Ground; Tears; Hatchet, Club, scalping Knife, &c. No. 8. This Package is a Mixture of all the Varieties abovemention'd, to the Number of 122; with a Box of Birch Bark, containing 29 little Infants' Scalps of various Sizes; small white Hoops; white Ground; no Tears; and only a little black Knife in the Middle, to shew they were ript out of their Mothers' Bellies. With these Packs, the Chiefs send to your Excellency the following Speech, delivered by Conejogatchie in Council, interpreted by the elder Moore, the Trader, and taken down by me in Writing. _Father_, We send you herewith many Scalps, that you may see we are not idle Friends. _A blue Belt._ _Father_, We wish you to send these Scalps over the Water to the great King, that he may regard them and be refreshed; and that he may see our faithfulness in destroying his Enemies, and be convinced that his Presents have not been made to ungrateful people. _A blue and white Belt with red Tassels._ _Father_, Attend to what I am now going to say: it is a Matter of much Weight. The great King's Enemies are many, and they grow fast in Number. They were formerly like young Panthers: they could neither bite nor scratch: we could play with them safely: we feared nothing they could do to us. But now their Bodies are become big as the Elk, and strong as the Buffalo: they have also got great and sharp Claws. They have driven us out of our Country for taking Part in your Quarrel. We expect the great King will give us another Country, that our Children may live after us, and be his Friends and Children, as we are. Say this for us to the great King. To enforce it we give this Belt. _A great white Belt with blue Tassels._ _Father_, We have only to say farther that your Traders exact more than ever for their Goods: and our Hunting is lessened by the War, so that we have fewer Skins to give for them. This ruins us. Think of some Remedy. We are poor: and you have Plenty of every Thing. We know you will send us Powder and Guns, and Knives and Hatchets: but we also want Shirts and Blankets. _A little white Belt._ I do not doubt but that your Excellency will think it proper to give some farther Encouragement to those honest People. The high Prices they complain of, are the necessary Effect of the War. Whatever Presents may be sent for them through my Hands, shall be distributed with Prudence and Fidelity. I have the Honour of being Your Excellency's most obedient And most humble Servant, JAMES CRAUFURD." It was at first proposed to bury these Scalps: but Lieutenant Fitzgerald, who you know has got Leave of Absence to go for Ireland on his private Affairs, said he thought it better they should proceed to their Destination; and if they were given to him, he would undertake to carry them to England, and hang them all up in some dark Night on the Trees in St. James's Park, where they could be seen from the King and Queen's Palaces in the Morning; for that the Sight of them might perhaps strike Muley Ishmael (as he called him) with some Compunction of Conscience. They were accordingly delivered to Fitz, and he has brought them safe hither. To-morrow they go with his Baggage in a Waggon for Boston, and will probably be there in a few Days after this Letter. I am, &c. SAMUEL GERRISH. BOSTON, March 20. Monday last arrived here Lieutenant Fitzgerald abovementioned, and Yesterday the Waggon with the Scalps. Thousands of People are flocking to see them this Morning, and all Mouths are full of Execrations. Fixing them to the Trees is not approved. It is now proposed to make them up in decent little Packets, seal and direct them; one to the King, containing a Sample of every Sort for his Museum; one to the Queen, with some of Women and little Children: the Rest to be distributed among both Houses of Parliament; a double Quantity to the Bishops. _Mr. Willis,_ Please to insert in your useful Paper the following Copy of a Letter, from Commodore Jones, directed _To Sir Joseph York, Ambassador from the King of England to the States-general of the United Provinces._ _Ipswich, New-England, Sir, _March_ 7, 1781. I have lately seen a memorial, said to have been presented by your Excellency to their High Mightinesses the States-general, in which you are pleased to qualify me with the title of _pirate._ A pirate is defined to be _hostis humani generis_, [an enemy to all mankind]. It happens, Sir, that I am an enemy to no part of mankind, except your nation, the English; which nation at the same time comes much more within the definition; being actually an enemy to, and at war with, one whole quarter of the world, America, considerable parts of Asia and Africa, a great part of Europe, and in a fair way of being at war with the rest. A pirate makes war for the sake of _rapine._ This is not the kind of war I am engaged in against England. Our's is a war in defence of _liberty_ . . . . the most just of all wars; and of our _properties_, which your nation would have taken from us, without our consent, in violation of our rights, and by an armed force. Your's, therefore, is a war of _rapine_; of course, a piratical war: and those who approve of it, and are engaged in it, more justly deserve the name of pirates, which you bestow on me. It is, indeed, a war that coincides with the general spirit of your nation. Your common people in their ale-houses sing the twenty-four songs of Robin Hood, and applaud his deer-stealing and his robberies on the highway: those who have just learning enough to read, are delighted with your histories of the pirates and of the buccaniers: and even your scholars, in the universities, study Quintus Curtius; and are taught to admire Alexander, for what they call "his conquests in the Indies." Severe laws and the hangmen keep down the effects of this spirit somewhat among yourselves, (though in your little island you have, nevertheless, more highway robberies than there are in all the rest of Europe put together): but a foreign war gives it full scope. It is then that, with infinite pleasure, it lets itself loose to strip of their property honest merchants, employed in the innocent and useful occupation of supplying the mutual wants of mankind. Hence, having lately no war with your ancient enemies, rather than be without a war, you chose to make one upon your friends. In this your piratical war with America, the mariners of your fleets, and the owners of your privateers were animated against us by the act of your parliament, which repealed the law of God -- "Thou shalt not steal," -- by declaring it lawful for them to rob us of all our property that they could meet with on the Ocean. This act too had a retrospect, and, going beyond bulls of pardon, declared that all the robberies you _had committed_, previous to the act, should be _deemed just and lawful._ Your soldiers too were promised the plunder of our cities: and your officers were flattered with the division of our lands. You had even the baseness to corrupt our servants, the sailors employed by us, and encourage them to rob their masters, and bring to you the ships and goods they were entrusted with. Is there any society of pirates on the sea or land, who, in declaring wrong to be right, and right wrong, have less authority than your parliament? Do any of them more justly than your parliament deserve the _title_ you bestow on me? You will tell me that we forfeited all our estates by our refusal to pay the taxes your nation would have imposed on us, without the consent of our colony parliaments. Have you then forgot the incontestible principle, which was the foundation of Hambden's glorious lawsuit with Charles the first, that "what an English king has no right to demand, an English subject has a right to refuse?" But you cannot so soon have forgotten the instructions of your late honourable father, who, being himself a sound Whig, taught you certainly the principles of the Revolution, and that, "if subjects might in some cases forfeit their property, kings also might forfeit their title, and all claim to the allegiance of their subjects." I must then suppose you well acquainted with those Whig principles, on which permit me, Sir, to ask a few questions. Is not protection as justly due from a king to his people, as obedience from the people to their king? If then a king declares his people to be out of his protection: If he violates and deprives them of their constitutional rights: If he wages war against them: If he plunders their merchants, ravages their coasts, burns their towns, and destroys their lives: If he hires foreign mercenaries to help him in their destruction: If he engages savages to murder their defenceless farmers, women, and children: If he cruelly forces such of his subjects as fall into his hands, to bear arms against their country, and become executioners of their friends and brethren: If he sells others of them into bondage, in Africa and the East Indies: If he excites domestic insurrections among their servants, and encourages servants to murder their masters: ------ Does not so atrocious a conduct towards his subjects, dissolve their allegiance? If not, -- please to say how or by what means it can possibly be dissolved? All this horrible wickedness and barbarity has been and daily is practised by the king _your master_ (as you call him in your memorial) upon the Americans, whom he is still pleased to claim as his subjects. During these six years past, he has destroyed not less than forty thousand of those subjects, by battles on land or sea, or by starving them, or poisoning them to death, in the unwholesome air, with the unwholesome food of his prisons. And he has wasted the lives of at least an equal number of his own soldiers and sailors: many of whom have been _forced_ into this odious service, and _dragged_ from their families and friends, by the outrageous violence of his illegal press-gangs. You are a gentleman of letters, and have read history: do you recollect any instance of any tyrant, since the beginning of the world, who, in the course of so few years, had done so much mischief, by murdering so many of his own people? Let us view one of the worst and blackest of them, Nero. He put to death a few of his courtiers, placemen, and pensioners, and among the rest his _tutor._ Had George the third done the same, and no more, his crime, though detestable, as an act of lawless power, might have been as useful to his nation, as that of Nero was hurtful to Rome; considering the different characters and merits of the sufferers. Nero indeed wished that the people of Rome had but one neck, that he might behead them all by one stroke: but this was a simple wish. George is carrying the wish as fast as he can into execution; and, by continuing in his present course a few years longer, will have destroyed more of the British people than Nero could have found inhabitants in Rome. Hence, the expression of Milton, in speaking of Charles the first, that he was _"Nerone Neronior,"_ is still more applicable to George the third. Like Nero and all other tyrants, while they lived, he indeed has his flatterers, his addressers, his applauders. Pensions, places, and hopes of preferment, can bribe even bishops to approve his conduct: but, when those fulsome, purchased addresses and panegyrics are sunk and lost in oblivion or contempt, impartial history will step forth, speak honest truth, and rank him among public calamities. The only difference will be, that plagues, pestilences, and famines are of this world, and arise from the nature of things: but voluntary malice, mischief, and murder are all from Hell: and this King will, therefore, stand foremost in the list of diabolical, bloody, and execrable tyrants. His base-bought parliaments too, who sell him their souls, and extort from the people the money with which they aid his destructive purposes, as they share his guilt, will share his infamy, -- parliaments, who to please him, have repeatedly, by different votes year after year, dipped their hands in human blood, insomuch that methinks I see it dried and caked so thick upon them, that if they could wash it off in the Thames which flows under their windows, the whole river would run red to the Ocean. One is provoked by enormous wickedness: but one is ashamed and humiliated at the view of human baseness. It afflicts me, therefore, to see a gentleman of Sir Joseph York's education and talents, for the sake of a red riband and a paltry stipend, mean enough to stile such a monster _his master_, wear his livery, and hold himself ready at his command even to cut the throats of fellow-subjects. This makes it impossible for me to end my letter with the civility of a compliment, and obliges me to subscribe myself simply, JOHN PAUL JONES, whom you are pleased to stile a _Pirate._ Passy, April, 1782 _Articles for a Treaty of Peace with Madame Brillon_ Passy, July 27. What a difference, my dear Friend, between you and me! -- You find my Faults so many as to be innumerable, while I can see but one in you; and perhaps that is the Fault of my Spectacles. -- The Fault I mean is that kind of Covetousness, by which you would engross all my Affection, and permit me none for the other amiable Ladies of your Country. You seem to imagine that it cannot be divided without being diminish'd: In which you mistake the nature of the Thing and forget the Situation in which you have plac'd and hold me. You renounce and exclude arbitrarily every thing corporal from our Amour, except such a merely civil Embrace now and then as you would permit to a country Cousin, -- what is there then remaining that I may not afford to others without a Diminution of what belongs to you? The Operations of the Mind, Esteem, Admiration, Respect, & even Affection for one Object, may be multiply'd as more Objects that merit them present themselves, and yet remain the same to the first, which therefore has no room to complain of Injury. They are in their Nature as divisible as the sweet Sounds of the Forte Piano produc'd by your exquisite Skill: Twenty People may receive the same Pleasure from them, without lessening that which you kindly intend for me; and I might as reasonably require of your Friendship, that they should reach and delight no Ears but mine. You see by this time how unjust you are in your Demands, and in the open War you declare against me if I do not comply with them. Indeed it is I that have the most Reason to complain. My poor little Boy, whom you ought methinks to have cherish'd, instead of being fat and Jolly like those in your elegant Drawings, is meagre and starv'd almost to death for want of the substantial Nourishment which you his Mother inhumanly deny him, and yet would now clip his little Wings to prevent his seeking it elsewhere! -- I fancy we shall neither of us get any thing by this War, and therefore as feeling my self the Weakest, I will do what indeed ought always to be done by the Wisest, be first in making the Propositions for Peace. That a Peace may be lasting, the Articles of the Treaty should be regulated upon the Principles of the most perfect Equity & Reciprocity. In this View I have drawn up & offer the following, viz. -- ARTICLE 1. There shall be eternal Peace, Friendship & Love, between Madame B. and Mr F. ARTICLE 2. In order to maintain the same inviolably, Made B. on her Part stipulates and agrees, that Mr F. shall come to her whenever she sends for him. ART. 3. That he shall stay with her as long as she pleases. ART. 4. That when he is with her, he shall be oblig'd to drink Tea, play Chess, hear Musick; or do any other thing that she requires of him. ART. 5. And that he shall love no other Woman but herself. ART. 6. And the said Mr F. on his part stipulates and agrees, that he will go away from M. B.'s whenever he pleases. ART. 7. That he will stay away as long as he pleases. ART. 8. That when he is with her, he will do what he pleases. ART. 9. And that he will love any other Woman as far as he finds her amiable. Let me know what you think of these Preliminaries. To me they seem to express the true Meaning and Intention of each Party more plainly than most Treaties. -- I shall insist pretty strongly on the eighth Article, tho' without much Hope of your Consent to it; and on the ninth also, tho I despair of ever finding any other Woman that I could love with equal Tenderness: being ever, my dear dear Friend, Yours most sincerely 1782 _Apologue_ Lion, king of a certain forest, had among his subjects a body of faithful dogs, in principle and affection strongly attached to his person and government, but through whose assistance he had extended his dominions, and had become the terror of his enemies. Lion, however, influenced by evil counsellors, took an aversion to the dogs, condemned them unheard, and ordered his tigers, leopards, and panthers to attack and destroy them. The dogs petitioned humbly, but their petitions were rejected haughtily; and they were forced to defend themselves, which they did with bravery. A few among them, of a mongrel race, derived from a mixture with wolves and foxes, corrupted by royal promises of great rewards, deserted the honest dogs and joined their enemies. The dogs were finally victorious: a treaty of peace was made, in which Lion acknowledged them to be free, and disclaimed all future authority over them. The mongrels not being permitted to return among them, claimed of the royalists the reward that had been promised. A council of the beasts was held to consider their demand. The wolves and the foxes agreed unanimously that the demand was just, that royal promises ought to be kept, and that every loyal subject should contribute freely to enable his majesty to fulfil them. The horse alone, with a boldness and freedom that became the nobleness of his nature, delivered a contrary opinion. "The King," said he, "has been misled, by bad ministers, to war unjustly upon his faithful subjects. Royal promises, when made to encourage us to act for the public good, should indeed be honourably acquitted; but if to encourage us to betray and destroy each other, they are wicked and void from the beginning. The advisers of such promises, and those who murdered in consequence of them, instead of being recompensed, should be severely punished. Consider how greatly our common strength is already diminished by our loss of the dogs. If you enable the King to reward those fratricides, you will establish a precedent that may justify a future tyrant to make like promises; and every example of such an unnatural brute rewarded will give them additional weight. Horses and bulls, as well as dogs, may thus be divided against their own kind, and civil wars produced at pleasure, till we are so weakened that neither liberty nor safety is any longer to be found in the forest, and nothing remains but abject submission to the will of a despot, who may devour us as he pleases." The council had sense enough to resolve -- that the demand be rejected. c. November, 1782 _Remarks Concerning the Savages of North-America_ Savages we call them, because their manners differ from ours, which we think the Perfection of Civility; they think the same of theirs. Perhaps if we could examine the manners of different Nations with Impartiality, we should find no People so rude as to be without any Rules of Politeness; nor any so polite as not to have some remains of Rudeness. The Indian Men, when young, are Hunters and Warriors; when old, Counsellors; for all their Government is by the Counsel or Advice of the Sages; there is no Force, there are no Prisons, no Officers to compel Obedience, or inflict Punishment. Hence they generally study Oratory; the best Speaker having the most Influence. The Indian Women till the Ground, dress the Food, nurse and bring up the Children, and preserve and hand down to Posterity the Memory of Public Transactions. These Employments of Men and Women are accounted natural and honorable. Having few Artificial Wants, they have abundance of Leisure for Improvement by Conversation. Our laborious manner of Life compared with theirs, they esteem slavish and base; and the Learning on which we value ourselves; they regard as frivolous and useless. An Instance of this occurred at the Treaty of Lancaster in Pennsylvania, Anno 1744, between the Government of Virginia & the Six Nations. After the principal Business was settled, the Commissioners from Virginia acquainted the Indians by a Speech, that there was at Williamsburg a College with a Fund for Educating Indian Youth, and that if the Chiefs of the Six-Nations would send down half a dozen of their Sons to that College, the Government would take Care that they should be well provided for, and instructed in all the Learning of the white People. It is one of the Indian Rules of Politeness not to answer a public Proposition the same day that it is made; they think it would be treating it as a light Matter; and that they show it Respect by taking time to consider it, as of a Matter important. They therefore deferred their Answer till the day following; when their Speaker began by expressing their deep Sense of the Kindness of the Virginia Government, in making them that Offer; for we know, says he, that you highly esteem the kind of Learning taught in those Colleges, and that the Maintenance of our Young Men while with you, would be very expensive to you. We are convinced therefore that you mean to do us good by your Proposal, and we thank you heartily. But you who are wise must know, that different Nations have different Conceptions of things; and you will therefore not take it amiss, if our Ideas of this Kind of Education happen not to be the same with yours. We have had some Experience of it: Several of our Young People were formerly brought up at the Colleges of the Northern Provinces; they were instructed in all your Sciences; but when they came back to us, they were bad Runners, ignorant of every means of living in the Woods, unable to bear either Cold or Hunger, knew neither how to build a Cabin, take a Deer, or kill an Enemy, spoke our Language imperfectly; were therefore neither fit for Hunters, Warriors, or Counsellors; they were totally good for nothing. We are however not the less obliged by your kind Offer, tho' we decline accepting it; and to show our grateful Sense of it, if the Gentlemen of Virginia will send us a dozen of their Sons, we will take great Care of their Education, instruct them in all we know, and make _Men_ of them. Having frequent Occasions to hold public Councils, they have acquired great Order and Decency in conducting them. The old Men sit in the foremost Ranks, the Warriors in the next, and the Women and Children in the hindmost. The Business of the Women is to take exact notice of what passes, imprint it in their Memories, for they have no Writing, and communicate it to their Children. They are the Records of the Council, and they preserve Tradition of the Stipulations in Treaties a hundred Years back, which when we compare with our Writings we always find exact. He that would speak, rises. The rest observe a profound Silence. When he has finished and sits down, they leave him five or six Minutes to recollect, that if he has omitted any thing he intended to say, or has any thing to add, he may rise again and deliver it. To interrupt another, even in common Conversation, is reckoned highly indecent. How different this is from the Conduct of a polite British House of Commons, where scarce a Day passes without some Confusion that makes the Speaker hoarse in calling _to order_; and how different from the mode of Conversation in many polite Companies of Europe, where if you do not deliver your Sentence with great Rapidity, you are cut off in the middle of it by the impatient Loquacity of those you converse with, & never suffer'd to finish it. The Politeness of these Savages in Conversation is indeed carried to excess, since it does not permit them to contradict, or deny the Truth of what is asserted in their Presence. By this means they indeed avoid Disputes, but then it becomes difficult to know their Minds, or what Impression you make upon them. The Missionaries who have attempted to convert them to Christianity, all complain of this as one of the great Difficulties of their Mission. The Indians hear with Patience the Truths of the Gospel explained to them, and give their usual Tokens of Assent and Approbation: you would think they were convinced. No such Matter. It is mere Civility. A Suedish Minister having assembled the Chiefs of the Sasquehanah Indians, made a Sermon to them, acquainting them with the principal historical Facts on which our Religion is founded, such as the Fall of our first Parents by Eating an Apple, the Coming of Christ to repair the Mischief, his Miracles and Suffering, &c. When he had finished, an Indian Orator stood up to thank him. What you have told us, says he, is all very good. It is indeed bad to eat Apples. It is better to make them all into Cyder. We are much obliged by your Kindness in coming so far to tell us those things which you have heard from your Mothers. In Return I will tell you some of those we have heard from ours. In the Beginning our Fathers had only the Flesh of Animals to subsist on, and if their Hunting was unsuccessful, they were starving. Two of our young Hunters having killed a Deer, made a Fire in the Woods to broil some Parts of it. When they were about to satisfy their Hunger, they beheld a beautiful young Woman descend from the Clouds, and seat herself on that Hill which you see yonder among the blue Mountains. They said to each other, it is a Spirit that perhaps has smelt our broiling Venison, & wishes to eat of it: let us offer some to her. They presented her with the Tongue: She was pleased with the Taste of it, & said, your Kindness shall be rewarded. Come to this Place after thirteen Moons, and you shall find something that will be of great Benefit in nourishing you and your Children to the latest Generations. They did so, and to their Surprise found Plants they had never seen before, but which from that ancient time have been constantly cultivated among us to our great Advantage. Where her right Hand had touch'd the Ground, they found Maize; where her left Hand had touch'd it, they found Kidney-beans; and where her Backside had sat on it, they found Tobacco. The good Missionary, disgusted with this idle Tale, said, what I delivered to you were sacred Truths; but what you tell me is mere Fable, Fiction & Falsehood. The Indian offended, reply'd, my Brother, it seems your Friends have not done you Justice in your Education; they have not well instructed you in the Rules of common Civility. You saw that we who understand and practise those Rules, believed all your Stories; why do you refuse to believe ours? When any of them come into our Towns, our People are apt to croud round them, gaze upon them, and incommode them where they desire to be private; this they esteem great Rudeness, and the Effect of want of Instruction in the Rules of Civility and good Manners. We have, say they, as much Curiosity as you, and when you come into our Towns we wish for Opportunities of looking at you; but for this purpose we hide ourselves behind Bushes where you are to pass, and never intrude ourselves into your Company. Their Manner of entring one anothers Villages has likewise its Rules. It is reckon'd uncivil in travelling Strangers to enter a Village abruptly, without giving Notice of their Approach. Therefore as soon as they arrive within hearing, they stop and hollow, remaining there till invited to enter. Two old Men usually come out to them, and lead them in. There is in every Village a vacant Dwelling, called the Strangers House. Here they are placed, while the old Men go round from Hut to Hut acquainting the Inhabitants that Strangers are arrived, who are probably hungry and weary; and every one sends them what he can spare of Victuals and Skins to repose on. When the Strangers are refresh'd, Pipes & Tobacco are brought; and then, but not before, Conversation begins, with Enquiries who they are, whither bound, what News, &c. and it usually ends with Offers of Service, if the Strangers have Occasion of Guides or any Necessaries for continuing their Journey; and nothing is exacted for the Entertainment. The same Hospitality, esteemed among them as a principal Virtue, is practised by private Persons; of which _Conrad Weiser_, our Interpreter, gave me the following Instance. He had been naturaliz'd among the Six-Nations, and spoke well the Mohock Language. In going thro' the Indian Country, to carry a Message from our Governor to the Council at _Onondaga_, he called at the Habitation of _Canassetego_, an old Acquaintance, who embraced him, spread Furs for him to sit on, placed before him some boiled Beans and Venison, and mixed some Rum and Water for his Drink. When he was well refresh'd, and had lit his Pipe, Canassetego began to converse with him, ask'd how he had fared the many Years since they had seen each other, whence he then came, what occasioned the Journey, &c. &c. Conrad answered all his Questions; and when the Discourse began to flag, the Indian, to continue it, said, Conrad, you have liv'd long among the white People, and know something of their Customs; I have been sometimes at Albany, and have observed that once in seven Days, they shut up their Shops and assemble all in the great House; tell me, what it is for? what do they do there? They meet there, says Conrad, to hear & learn _good things._ I do not doubt, says the Indian, that they tell you so; they have told me the same; but I doubt the Truth of what they say, & I will tell you my Reasons. I went lately to Albany to sell my Skins, & buy Blankets, Knives, Powder, Rum, &c. You know I used generally to deal with Hans Hanson; but I was a little inclined this time to try some other Merchants. However I called first upon Hans, and ask'd him what he would give for Beaver; He said he could not give more than four Shillings a Pound; but, says he, I cannot talk on Business now; this is the Day when we meet together to learn _good things_, and I am going to the Meeting. So I thought to myself since I cannot do any Business to day, I may as well go to the Meeting too; and I went with him. There stood up a Man in black, and began to talk to the People very angrily. I did not understand what he said; but perceiving that he looked much at me, & at Hanson, I imagined he was angry at seeing me there; so I went out, sat down near the House, struck Fire & lit my Pipe; waiting till the Meeting should break up. I thought too, that the Man had mentioned something of Beaver, and I suspected it might be the Subject of their Meeting. So when they came out I accosted any Merchant; well Hans, says I, I hope you have agreed to give more than four Shillings a Pound. No, says he, I cannot give so much. I cannot give more than three Shillings and six Pence. I then spoke to several other Dealers, but they all sung the same Song, three & six Pence, three & six Pence. This made it clear to me that my Suspicion was right; and that whatever they pretended of Meeting to learn _good things_, the real Purpose was to consult, how to cheat Indians in the Price of Beaver. Consider but a little, Conrad, and you must be of my Opinion. If they met so often to learn _good things_, they would certainly have learnt some before this time. But they are still ignorant. You know our Practice. If a white Man in travelling thro' our Country, enters one of our Cabins, we all treat him as I treat you; we dry him if he is wet, we warm him if he is cold, and give him Meat & Drink that he may allay his Thirst and Hunger, & we spread soft Furs for him to rest & sleep on: We demand nothing in return (* 1). But if I go into a white Man's House at Albany, and ask for Victuals & Drink, they say, where is your Money? and if I have none, they say, get out, you Indian Dog. You see they have not yet learnt those little _good things_, that we need no Meetings to be instructed in, because our Mothers taught them to us when we were Children. And therefore it is impossible their Meetings should be as they say for any such purpose, or have any such Effect; they are only to contrive _the Cheating of Indians in the Price of Beaver._ (* 1) _It is remarkable that in all Ages and Countries, Hospitality has been allowed as the Virtue of those, whom the civiliz'd were pleased to call Barbarians; the Greeks celebrated the Scythians for it. The Saracens possess'd it eminently; and it is to this day the reigning Virtue of the wild Arabs. S. Paul too, in the Relation of his Voyage & Shipwreck, on the Island of Melita, says,_ The Barbarous People shew'd us no little Kindness; for they kindled a Fire, and received us every one, because of the present Rain & because of the Cold. Passy, 1783 _Information to Those Who Would Remove to America_ Many Persons in Europe having directly or by Letters, express'd to the Writer of this, who is well acquainted with North-America, their Desire of transporting and establishing themselves in that Country; but who appear to him to have formed thro' Ignorance, mistaken Ideas & Expectations of what is to be obtained there; he thinks it may be useful, and prevent inconvenient, expensive & fruitless Removals and Voyages of improper Persons, if he gives some clearer & truer Notions of that Part of the World than appear to have hitherto prevailed. He finds it is imagined by Numbers that the Inhabitants of North-America are rich, capable of rewarding, and dispos'd to reward all sorts of Ingenuity; that they are at the same time ignorant of all the Sciences; & consequently that strangers possessing Talents in the Belles-Letters, fine Arts, &c. must be highly esteemed, and so well paid as to become easily rich themselves; that there are also abundance of profitable Offices to be disposed of, which the Natives are not qualified to fill; and that having few Persons of Family among them, Strangers of Birth must be greatly respected, and of course easily obtain the best of those Offices, which will make all their Fortunes: that the Goverments too, to encourage Emigrations from Europe, not only pay the expence of personal Transportation, but give Lands gratis to Strangers, with Negroes to work for them, Utensils of Husbandry, & Stocks of Cattle. These are all wild Imaginations; and those who go to America with Expectations founded upon them, will surely find themselves disappointed. The Truth is, that tho' there are in that Country few People so miserable as the Poor of Europe, there are also very few that in Europe would be called rich: it is rather a general happy Mediocrity that prevails. There are few great Proprietors of the Soil, and few Tenants; most People cultivate their own Lands, or follow some Handicraft or Merchandise; very few rich enough to live idly upon their Rents or Incomes; or to pay the high Prices given in Europe, for Paintings, Statues, Architecture and the other Works of Art that are more curious than useful. Hence the natural Geniuses that have arisen in America, with such Talents, have uniformly quitted that Country for Europe, where they can be more suitably rewarded. It is true that Letters and mathematical Knowledge are in Esteem there, but they are at the same time more common than is apprehended; there being already existing nine Colleges or Universities, viz. four in New-England, and one in each of the Provinces of New-York, New-Jersey, Pensilvania, Maryland and Virginia, all furnish'd with learned Professors; besides a number of smaller Academies: These educate many of their Youth in the Languages and those Sciences that qualify Men for the Professions of Divinity, Law or Physick. Strangers indeed are by no means excluded from exercising those Professions, and the quick Increase of Inhabitants every where gives them a Chance of Employ, which they have in common with the Natives. Of civil Offices or Employments there are few; no superfluous Ones as in Europe; and it is a Rule establish'd in some of the States, that no Office should be so profitable as to make it desirable. The 36 Article of the Constitution of Pensilvania, runs expresly in these Words: _As every Freeman, to preserve his Independance,_ (_if he has not a sufficient Estate_) _ought to have some Profession, Calling, Trade or Farm, whereby he may honestly subsist, there can be no Necessity for, nor Use in, establishing Offices of Profit; the usual Effects of which are Dependance and Servility, unbecoming Freemen, in the Possessors and Expectants; Faction, Contention, Corruption, and Disorder among the People. Wherefore whenever an Office, thro' Increase of Fees or otherwise, becomes so profitable as to occasion many to apply for it, the Profits ought to be lessened by the Legislature._ These Ideas prevailing more or less in all the United States, it cannot be worth any Man's while, who has a means of Living at home, to expatriate himself in hopes of obtaining a profitable civil Office in America; and as to military Offices, they are at an End with the War; the Armies being disbanded. Much less is it adviseable for a Person to go thither who has no other Quality to recommend him but his Birth. In Europe it has indeed its Value, but it is a Commodity that cannot be carried to a worse Market than to that of America, where People do not enquire concerning a Stranger, _What IS he?_ but _What can he DO?_ If he has any useful Art, he is welcome; and if he exercises it and behaves well, he will be respected by all that know him; but a mere Man of Quality, who on that Account wants to live upon the Public, by some Office or Salary, will be despis'd and disregarded. The Husbandman is in honor there, & even the Mechanic, because their Employments are useful. The People have a Saying, that God Almighty is himself a Mechanic, the greatest in the Universe; and he is respected and admired more for the Variety, Ingenuity and Utility of his Handiworks, than for the Antiquity of his Family. They are pleas'd with the Observation of a Negro, and frequently mention it, that _Boccarorra_ (meaning the Whiteman) make de Blackman workee, make de Horse workee, make de Ox workee, make ebery ting workee; only de Hog. He de Hog, no workee; he eat, he drink, he walk about, he go to sleep when he please, _he libb like a Gentleman._ According to these Opinions of the Americans, one of them would think himself more oblig'd to a Genealogist, who could prove for him that his Ancestors & Relations for ten Generations had been Ploughmen, Smiths, Carpenters, Turners, Weavers, Tanners, or even Shoemakers, & consequently that they were useful Members of Society; than if he could only prove that they were Gentlemen, doing nothing of Value, but living idly on the Labour of others, mere _fruges consumere nati_ (* 1), and otherwise _good_ for _nothing_, till by their Death, their Estates like the Carcase of the Negro's Gentleman-Hog, come to be _cut up._ (* 1) _There are a Number of us born Merely to eat up the Corn._ WATTS. With Regard to Encouragements for Strangers from Government, they are really only what are derived from good Laws & Liberty. Strangers are welcome because there is room enough for them all, and therefore the old Inhabitants are not jealous of them; the Laws protect them sufficiently, so that they have no need of the Patronage of great Men; and every one will enjoy securely the Profits of his Industry. But if he does not bring a Fortune with him, he must work and be industrious to live. One or two Years Residence give him all the Rights of a Citizen; but the Government does not at present, whatever it may have done in former times, hire People to become Settlers, by Paying their Passages, giving Land, Negroes, Utensils, Stock, or any other kind of Emolument whatsoever. In short America is the Land of Labour, and by no means what the English call _Lubberland_, and the French _Pays de Cocagne_, where the Streets are said to be pav'd with half-peck Loaves, the Houses til'd with Pancakes, and where the Fowls fly about ready roasted, crying, _Come eat me!_ Who then are the kind of Persons to whom an Emigration to America may be advantageous? and what are the Advantages they may reasonably expect? Land being cheap in that Country, from the vast Forests still void of Inhabitants, and not likely to be occupied in an Age to come, insomuch that the Propriety of an hundred Acres of fertile Soil full of Wood may be obtained near the Frontiers in many Places for eight or ten Guineas, hearty young Labouring Men, who understand the Husbandry of Corn and Cattle, which is nearly the same in that Country as in Europe, may easily establish themselves there. A little Money sav'd of the good Wages they receive there while they work for others, enables them to buy the Land and begin their Plantation, in which they are assisted by the Good Will of their Neighbours and some Credit. Multitudes of poor People from England, Ireland, Scotland and Germany, have by this means in a few Years become wealthy Farmers, who in their own Countries, where all the Lands are fully occupied, and the Wages of Labour low, could never have emerged from the mean Condition wherein they were born. From the Salubrity of the Air, the Healthiness of the Climate, the Plenty of good Provisions, and the Encouragement to early Marriages, by the certainty of Subsistance in cultivating the Earth, the Increase of Inhabitants by natural Generation is very rapid in America, and becomes still more so by the Accession of Strangers; hence there is a continual Demand for more Artisans of all the necessary and useful kinds, to supply those Cultivators of the Earth with Houses, and with Furniture & Utensils of the grosser Sorts which cannot so well be brought from Europe. Tolerably good Workmen in any of those mechanic Arts, are sure to find Employ, and to be well paid for their Work, there being no Restraints preventing Strangers from exercising any Art they understand, nor any Permission necessary. If they are poor, they begin first as Servants or Journeymen; and if they are sober, industrious & frugal, they soon become Masters, establish themselves in Business, marry, raise Families, and become respectable Citizens. Also, Persons of moderate Fortunes and Capitals, who having a Number of Children to provide for, are desirous of bringing them up to Industry, and to secure Estates for their Posterity, have Opportunities of doing it in America, which Europe does not afford. There they may be taught & practice profitable mechanic Arts, without incurring Disgrace on that Account; but on the contrary acquiring Respect by such Abilities. There small Capitals laid out in Lands, which daily become more valuable by the Increase of People, afford a solid Prospect of ample Fortunes thereafter for those Children. The Writer of this has known several Instances of large Tracts of Land, bought on what was then the Frontier of Pensilvania, for ten Pounds per hundred Acres, which, after twenty Years, when the Settlements had been extended far beyond them, sold readily, without any Improvement made upon them, for three Pounds per Acre. The Acre in America is the same with the English Acre or the Acre of Normandy. Those who desire to understand the State of Government in America, would do well to read the Constitutions of the several States, and the Articles of Confederation that bind the whole together for general Purposes under the Direction of one Assembly called the Congress. These Constitutions have been printed by Order of Congress in America; two Editions of them have also been printed in London, and a good Translation of them into French has lately been published at Paris. Several of the Princes of Europe having of late Years, from an Opinion of Advantage to arise by producing all Commodities & Manufactures within their own Dominions, so as to diminish or render useless their Importations, have endeavoured to entice Workmen from other Countries, by high Salaries, Privileges, &c. Many Persons pretending to be skilled in various great Manufactures, imagining that America must be in Want of them, and that the Congress would probably be dispos'd to imitate the Princes above mentioned, have proposed to go over, on Condition of having their Passages paid, Lands given, Salaries appointed, exclusive Privileges for Terms of Years, &c. Such Persons on reading the Articles of Confederation will find that the Congress have no Power committed to them, or Money put into their Hands, for such purposes; and that if any such Encouragement is given, it must be by the Government of some separate State. This however has rarely been done in America; and when it has been done it has rarely succeeded, so as to establish a Manufacture which the Country was not yet so ripe for as to encourage private Persons to set it up; Labour being generally too dear there, & Hands difficult to be kept together, every one desiring to be a Master, and the Cheapness of Land enclining many to leave Trades for Agriculture. Some indeed have met with Success, and are carried on to Advantage; but they are generally such as require only a few Hands, or wherein great Part of the Work is perform'd by Machines. Goods that are bulky, & of so small Value as not well to bear the Expence of Freight, may often be made cheaper in the Country than they can be imported; and the Manufacture of such Goods will be profitable wherever there is a sufficient Demand. The Farmers in America produce indeed a good deal of Wool & Flax; and none is exported, it is all work'd up; but it is in the Way of Domestic Manufacture for the Use of the Family. The buying up Quantities of Wool & Flax with the Design to employ Spinners, Weavers, &c. and form great Establishments, producing Quantities of Linen and Woollen Goods for Sale, has been several times attempted in different Provinces; but those Projects have generally failed, Goods of equal Value being imported cheaper. And when the Governments have been solicited to support such Schemes by Encouragements, in Money, or by imposing Duties on Importation of such Goods, it has been generally refused, on this Principle, that if the Country is ripe for the Manufacture, it may be carried on by private Persons to Advantage; and if not, it is a Folly to think of forceing Nature. Great Establishments of Manufacture, require great Numbers of Poor to do the Work for small Wages; these Poor are to be found in Europe, but will not be found in America, till the Lands are all taken up and cultivated, and the excess of People who cannot get Land, want Employment. The Manufacture of Silk, they say, is natural in France, as that of Cloth in England, because each Country produces in Plenty the first Material: But if England will have a Manufacture of Silk as well as that of Cloth, and France one of Cloth as well as that of Silk, these unnatural Operations must be supported by mutual Prohibitions or high Duties on the Importation of each others Goods, by which means the Workmen are enabled to tax the home-Consumer by greater Prices, while the higher Wages they receive makes them neither happier nor richer, since they only drink more and work less. Therefore the Governments in America do nothing to encourage such Projects. The People by this Means are not impos'd on, either by the Merchant or Mechanic; if the Merchant demands too much Profit on imported Shoes, they buy of the Shoemaker: and if he asks too high a Price, they take them of the Merchant: thus the two Professions are Checks on each other. The Shoemaker however has on the whole a considerable Profit upon his Labour in America, beyond what he had in Europe, as he can add to his Price a Sum nearly equal to all the Expences of Freight & Commission, Risque or Insurance, &c. necessarily charged by the Merchant. And the Case is the same with the Workmen in every other Mechanic Art. Hence it is that Artisans generally live better and more easily in America than in Europe, and such as are good ;oEconomists make a comfortable Provision for Age, & for their Children. Such may therefore remove with Advantage to America. In the old longsettled Countries of Europe, all Arts, Trades, Professions, Farms, &c. are so full that it is difficult for a poor Man who has Children, to place them where they may gain, or learn to gain a decent Livelihood. The Artisans, who fear creating future Rivals in Business, refuse to take Apprentices, but upon Conditions of Money, Maintenance or the like, which the Parents are unable to comply with. Hence the Youth are dragg'd up in Ignorance of every gainful Art, and oblig'd to become Soldiers or Servants or Thieves, for a Subsistance. In America the rapid Increase of Inhabitants takes away that Fear of Rivalship, & Artisans willingly receive Apprentices from the hope of Profit by their Labour during the Remainder of the Time stipulated after they shall be instructed. Hence it is easy for poor Families to get their Children instructed; for the Artisans are so desirous of Apprentices, that many of them will even give Money to the Parents to have Boys from ten to fifteen Years of Age bound Apprentices to them till the Age of twenty one; and many poor Parents have by that means, on their Arrival in the Country, raised Money enough to buy Land sufficient to establish themselves, and to subsist the rest of their Family by Agriculture. These Contracts for Apprentices are made before a Magistrate, who regulates the Agreement according to Reason and Justice; and having in view the Formation of a future useful Citizen, obliges the Master to engage by a written Indenture, not only that during the time of Service stipulated, the Apprentice shall be duly provided with Meat, Drink, Apparel, washing & Lodging, and at its Expiration with a compleat new suit of Clothes, but also that he shall be taught to read, write & cast Accompts, & that he shall be well instructed in the Art or Profession of his Master, or some other, by which he may afterwards gain a Livelihood, and be able in his turn to raise a Family. A Copy of this Indenture is given to the Apprentice or his Friends, & the Magistrate keeps a Record of it, to which Recourse may be had, in case of Failure by the Master in any Point of Performance. This Desire among the Masters to have more Hands employ'd in working for them, induces them to pay the Passages of young Persons, of both Sexes, who on their Arrival agree to serve them one, two, three or four Years; those who have already learnt a Trade agreeing for a shorter Term in Proportion to their Skill and the consequent immediate Value of their Service; and those who have none, agreeing for a longer Term, in Consideration of being taught an Art their Poverty would not permit them to acquire in their own Country. The almost general Mediocrity of Fortune that prevails in America, obliging its People to follow some Business for Subsistance, those Vices that arise usually from Idleness are in a great Measure prevented. Industry and constant Employment are great Preservatives of the Morals and Virtue of a Nation. Hence bad Examples to Youth are more rare in America, which must be a comfortable Consideration to Parents. To this may be truly added, that serious Religion under its various Denominations, is not only tolerated but respected and practised. Atheism is unknown there, Infidelity rare & secret, so that Persons may live to a great Age in that Country without having their Piety shock'd by meeting with either an Atheist or an Infidel. And the Divine Being seems to have manifested his Approbation of the mutual Forbearance and Kindness with which the different Sects treat each other, by the remarkable Prosperity with which he has been pleased to favour the whole Country. Passy, February, 1784 _An Economical Project_ TO THE AUTHORS OF THE JOURNAL OF PARIS MESSIEURS, You often entertain us with accounts of new discoveries. Permit me to communicate to the public, through your paper, one that has lately been made by myself, and which I conceive may be of great utility. I was the other evening in a grand company, where the new lamp of Messrs. Quinquet and Lange was introduced, and much admired for its splendour; but a general inquiry was made, whether the oil it consumed was not in proportion to the light it afforded, in which case there would be no saving in the use of it. No one present could satisfy us in that point, which all agreed ought to be known, it being a very desirable thing to lessen, if possible, the expense of lighting our apartments, when every other article of family expense was so much augmented. I was pleased to see this general concern for economy, for I love economy exceedingly. I went home, and to bed, three or four hours after midnight, with my head full of the subject. An accidental sudden noise waked me about six in the morning, when I was surprised to find my room filled with light; and I imagined at first, that a number of those lamps had been brought into it; but, rubbing my eyes, I perceived the light came in at the windows. I got up and looked out to see what might be the occasion of it, when I saw the sun just rising above the horizon, from whence he poured his rays plentifully into my chamber, my domestic having negligently omitted, the preceding evening, to close the shutters. I looked at my watch, which goes very well, and found that it was but six o'clock; and still thinking it something extraordinary that the sun should rise so early, I looked into the almanac, where I found it to be the hour given for his rising on that day. I looked forward, too, and found he was to rise still earlier every day till towards the end of June; and that at no time in the year he retarded his rising so long as till eight o'clock. Your readers, who with me have never seen any signs of sunshine before noon, and seldom regard the astronomical part of the almanac, will be as much astonished as I was, when they hear of his rising so early; and especially when I assure them, _that he gives light as soon as he rises._ I am convinced of this. I am certain of my fact. One cannot be more certain of any fact. I saw it with my own eyes. And, having repeated this observation the three following mornings, I found always precisely the same result. Yet it so happens, that when I speak of this discovery to others, I can easily perceive by their countenances, though they forbear expressing it in words, that they do not quite believe me. One, indeed, who is a learned natural philosopher, has assured me that I must certainly be mistaken as to the circumstance of the light coming into my room; for it being well known, as he says, that there could be no light abroad at that hour, it follows that none could enter from without; and that of consequence, my windows being accidentally left open, instead of letting in the light, had only served to let out the darkness; and he used many ingenious arguments to show me how I might, by that means, have been deceived. I owned that he puzzled me a little, but he did not satisfy me; and the subsequent observations I made, as above mentioned, confirmed me in my first opinion. This event has given rise in my mind to several serious and important reflections. I considered that, if I had not been awakened so early in the morning, I should have slept six hours longer by the light of the sun, and in exchange have lived six hours the following night by candle-light; and, the latter being a much more expensive light than the former, my love of economy induced me to muster up what little arithmetic I was master of, and to make some calculations, which I shall give you, after observing that utility is, in my opinion the test of value in matters of invention, and that a discovery which can be applied to no use, or is not good for something, is good for nothing. I took for the basis of my calculation the supposition that there are one hundred thousand families in Paris, and that these families consume in the night half a pound of bougies, or candles, per hour. I think this is a moderate allowance, taking one family with another; for though I believe some consume less, I know that many consume a great deal more. Then estimating seven hours per day as the medium quantity between the time of the sun's rising and ours, he rising during the six following months from six to eight hours before noon, and there being seven hours of course per night in which we burn candles, the account will stand thus; -- In the six months between the 20th of March and the 20th of September, there are Nights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 Hours of each night in which we burn candles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Multiplication gives for the total number of ________ hours . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,281 These 1,281 hours multiplied by 100,000, the number of inhabitants, give . . . . . . . . . 128,100,000 One hundred twenty-eight millions and one hundred thousand hours, spent at Paris by candle-light, which, at half a pound of wax and tallow per hour, gives the weight of . . . 64,050,000 Sixty-four millions and fifty thousand of pounds, which, estimating the whole at the medium price of thirty sols the pound, makes the sum of ninety-six millions and seventy-five thousand livres tournois . . . . 96,075,000 An immense sum! that the city of Paris might save every year, by the economy of using sunshine instead of candles. If it should be said, that people are apt to be obstinately attached to old customs, and that it will be difficult to induce them to rise before noon, consequently my discovery can be of little use; I answer, _Nil desperandum._ I believe all who have common sense, as soon as they have learnt from this paper that it is daylight when the sun rises, will contrive to rise with him; and, to compel the rest, I would propose the following regulations; First. Let a tax be laid of a louis per window, on every window that is provided with shutters to keep out the light of the sun. Second. Let the same salutary operation of police be made use of, to prevent our burning candles, that inclined us last winter to be more economical in burning wood; that is, let guards be placed in the shops of the wax and tallow chandlers, and no family be permitted to be supplied with more than one pound of candles per week. Third. Let guards also be posted to stop all the coaches, &c. that would pass the streets after sun-set, except those of physicians, surgeons, and midwives. Fourth. Every morning, as soon as the sun rises, let all the bells in every church be set ringing; and if that is not sufficient, let cannon be fired in every street, to wake the sluggards effectually, and make them open their eyes to see their true interest. All the difficulty will be in the first two or three days; after which the reformation will be as natural and easy as the present irregularity; for, _ce n'est que le premier pas qui coute._ Oblige a man to rise at four in the morning, and it is more than probable he will go willingly to bed at eight in the evening; and, having had eight hours sleep, he will rise more willingly at four in the morning following. But this sum of ninety-six millions and seventy-five thousand livres is not the whole of what may be saved by my economical project. You may observe, that I have calculated upon only one half of the year, and much may be saved in the other, though the days are shorter. Besides, the immense stock of wax and tallow left unconsumed during the summer, will probably make candles much cheaper for the ensuing winter, and continue them cheaper as long as the proposed reformation shall be supported. For the great benefit of this discovery, thus freely communicated and bestowed by me on the public, I demand neither place, pension, exclusive privilege, nor any other reward whatever. I expect only to have the honour of it. And yet I know there are little, envious minds, who will, as usual, deny me this, and say, that my invention was known to the ancients, and perhaps they may bring passages out of the old books in proof of it. I will not dispute with these people, that the ancients knew not the sun would rise at certain hours; they possibly had, as we have, almanacs that predicted it; but it does not follow thence, that they knew _he gave light as soon as he rose._ This is what I claim as my discovery. If the ancients knew it, it might have been long since forgotten; for it certainly was unknown to the moderns, at least to the Parisians, which to prove, I need use but one plain simple argument. They are as well instructed, judicious, and prudent a people as exist anywhere in the world, all professing, like myself, to be lovers of economy; and, from the many heavy taxes required from them by the necessities of the state, have surely an abundant reason to be economical. I say it is impossible that so sensible a people, under such circumstances, should have lived so long by the smoky, unwholesome, and enormously expensive light of candles, if they had really known, that they might have had as much pure light of the sun for nothing. I am, &c. A SUBSCRIBER. _Journal de Paris_, April 26, 1784 _Loose Thoughts on a Universal Fluid_ Passy, June 25, 1784. Universal Space, as far as we know of it, seems to be filled with a subtil Fluid, whose Motion, or Vibration, is called Light. This Fluid may possibly be the same with that, which, being attracted by, and entring into other more solid Matter, dilates the Substance, by separating the constituent Particles, and so rendering some Solids fluid, and maintaining the Fluidity of others; of which Fluid when our Bodies are totally deprived, they are said to be frozen; when they have a proper Quantity, they are in Health, and fit to perform all their Functions; it is then called natural Heat; when too much, it is called Fever; and, when forced into the Body in too great a Quantity from without, it gives Pain by separating and destroying the Flesh, and is then called Burning; and the Fluid so entring and acting is called Fire. While organized Bodies, animal or vegetable, are augmenting in Growth, or are supplying their continual Waste, is not this done by attracting and consolidating this Fluid called Fire, so as to form of it a Part of their Substance; and is it not a Separation of the Parts of such Substance, which, dissolving its solid State, sets that subtil Fluid at Liberty, when it again makes its appearance as Fire? For the Power of Man relative to Matter seems limited to the dividing it, or mixing the various kinds of it, or changing its Form and Appearance by different Compositions of it; but does not extend to the making or creating of new Matter, or annihilating the old. Thus, if Fire be an original Element, or kind of Matter, its Quantity is fixed and permanent in the Universe. We cannot destroy any Part of it, or make addition to it; we can only separate it from that which confines it, and so set it at Liberty, as when we put Wood in a Situation to be burnt; or transfer it from one Solid to another, as when we make Lime by burning Stone, a Part of the Fire dislodg'd from the Wood being left in the Stone. May not this Fluid, when at Liberty, be capable of penetrating and entring into all Bodies organiz'd or not, quitting easily in totality those not organiz'd; and quitting easily in part those which are; the part assum'd and fix'd remaining till the Body is dissolved? Is it not this Fluid which keeps asunder the Particles of Air, permitting them to approach, or separating them more, in proportion as its Quantity is diminish'd or augmented? Is it not the greater Gravity of the Particles of Air, which forces the Particles of this Fluid to mount with the Matters to which it is attach'd, as Smoke or Vapour? Does it not seem to have a great Affinity with Water, since it will quit a Solid to unite with that Fluid, and go off with it in Vapour, leaving the Solid cold to the Touch, and the Degree measurable by the Thermometer? The Vapour rises attach'd to this Fluid, but at a certain height they separate, and the Vapour descends in Rain, retaining but little of it, in Snow or Hail less. What becomes of that Fluid? Does it rise above our Atmosphere, and mix with the universal Mass of the same kind? Or does a spherical Stratum of it, denser, or less mix'd with Air, attracted by this Globe, and repell'd or push'd up only to a certain height from its Surface, by the greater Weight of Air, remain there, surrounding the Globe, and proceeding with it round the Sun? In such case, as there may be a Continuity or Communication of this Fluid thro' the Air quite down to the Earth, is it not by the Vibrations given to it by the Sun that Light appears to us; and may it not be, that every one of the infinitely small Vibrations, striking common Matter with a certain Force, enters its Substance, is held there by Attraction, and augmented by succeeding Vibrations, till the Matter has receiv'd as much as their Force can drive into it? Is it not thus, that the Surface of this Globe is continually heated by such repeated Vibrations in the Day, and cooled by the Escape of the Heat, when those Vibrations are discontinu'd in the Night, or intercepted and reflected by Clouds? Is it not thus that Fire is amass'd, and makes the greatest Part of the Substance of combustible Bodies? Perhaps, when this Globe was first form'd, and its original Particles took their Place at certain Distances from the Centre, in proportion to their greater or less Gravity, the fluid Fire, attracted towards that Centre, might in great part be oblig'd, as lightest, to take place above the rest, and thus form the Sphere of Fire above suppos'd, which would afterwards be continually diminishing by the Substance it afforded to organiz'd Bodies, and the Quantity restor'd to it again by the Burning or other Separating of the Parts of those Bodies. Is not the natural Heat of Animals thus produc'd, by separating in Digestion the Parts of Food, and setting their Fire at Liberty? Is it not this Sphere of Fire, which kindles the wandring Globes that sometimes pass thro' it in our Course round the Sun, have their Surface kindled by it, and burst when their included Air is greatly rarified by the Heat on their burning Surfaces? May it not have been from such Considerations that the ancient Philosophers supposed a Sphere of Fire to exist above the Air of our Atmosphere? _The Flies_ TO MADAME HELVETIUS The Flies of the Apartments of Mr. Franklin request Permission to present their Respects to Madame Helvetius, & to express in their best Language their Gratitude for the Protection which she has been kind enough to give them, _Bizz izzzz ouizz a ouizzzz izzzzzzzz_, &c. We have long lived under the hospitable Roof of the said Good Man Franklin. He has given us free Lodgings; we have also eaten & drunk the whole Year at his Expense without its having cost us anything. Often, when his Friends & he have emptied a Bowl of Punch, he has left us a sufficient Quantity to intoxicate a hundred of us Flies. We have drunk freely of it, & after that we have made our Sallies, our Circles & our Cotillions very prettily in the Air of his Room, & have gaily consummated our little Loves under his Nose. In short, we should have been the happiest People in the World, if he had not permitted a Number of our declared Enemies to remain at the top of his Wainscoting, where they spread their Nets to catch us, & tore us pitilessly to pieces. People of a Disposition both subtle & ferocious, abominable Combination! You, most excellent Woman, had the goodness to order that all these Assassins with their Habitations & their Snares should be swept away; & your Orders (as they always ought to be) were carried out immediately. Since that Time we live happily, & we enjoy the Beneficence of the said Good Man Franklin without fear. One Thing alone remains for us to wish in order to assure the Permanence of our Good Fortune; permit us to say it, _Bizz izzzz ouizz a ouizzzz izzzzzzzz_, &c. It is to see the two of you henceforth forming a single Household. 1784? LETTERS "THAT FINE AND NOBLE CHINA VASE THE BRITISH EMPIRE" _To Lord Howe_ My Lord, Philada. July 20th. 1776. I received safe the Letters your Lordship so kindly forwarded to me, and beg you to accept my Thanks. The Official Dispatches to which you refer me, contain nothing more than what we had seen in the Act of Parliament, viz. Offers of Pardon upon Submission; which I was sorry to find, as it must give your Lordship Pain to be sent so far on so hopeless a Business. Directing Pardons to be offered the Colonies, who are the very Parties injured, expresses indeed that Opinion of our Ignorance, Baseness, and Insensibility which your uninform'd and proud Nation has long been pleased to entertain of us; but it can have no other Effect than that of increasing our Resentment. It is impossible we should think of Submission to a Government, that has with the most wanton Barbarity and Cruelty, burnt our defenceless Towns in the midst of Winter, excited the Savages to massacre our Farmers, and our Slaves to murder their Masters, and is even now bringing foreign Mercenaries to deluge our Settlements with Blood. These atrocious Injuries have extinguished every remaining Spark of Affection for that Parent Country we once held so dear: But were it possible for _us_ to forget and forgive them, it is not possible for _you_ (I mean the British Nation) to forgive the People you have so heavily injured; you can never confide again in those as Fellow Subjects, and permit them to enjoy equal Freedom, to whom you know you have given such just Cause of lasting Enmity. And this must impel you, were we again under your Government, to endeavour the breaking our Sprit by the severest Tyranny, and obstructing by every means in your Power our growing Strength and Prosperity. But your Lordship mentions "the Kings paternal Solicitude for promoting the Establishment of lasting _Peace_ and Union with the Colonies." If by _Peace_ is here meant, a Peace to be entered into between Britain and America as distinct States now at War, and his Majesty has given your Lordship Powers to treat with us of such a Peace, I may venture to say, tho' without Authority, that I think a Treaty for that purpose not yet quite impracticable, before we enter into Foreign Alliances. But I am persuaded you have no such Powers. Your Nation, tho' by punishing those American Governors who have created and fomented the Discord, rebuilding our burnt Towns, and repairing as far as possible the Mischiefs done us, She might yet recover a great Share of our Regard and the greatest part of our growing Commerce, with all the Advantage of that additional Strength to be derived from a Friendship with us; I know too well her abounding Pride and deficient Wisdom, to believe she will ever take such Salutary Measures. Her Fondness for Conquest as a Warlike Nation, her Lust of Dominion as an Ambitious one, and her Thirst for a gainful Monopoly as a Commercial one, (none of them legitimate Causes of War) will all join to hide from her Eyes every View of her true Interests; and continually goad her on in these ruinous distant Expeditions, so destructive both of Lives and Treasure, that must prove as perrnicious to her in the End as the Croisades formerly were to most of the Nations of Europe. I have not the Vanity, my Lord, to think of intimidating by thus predicting the Effects of this War; for I know it will in England have the Fate of all my former Predictions, not to be believed till the Event shall verify it. Long did I endeavour with unfeigned and unwearied Zeal, to preserve from breaking, that fine and noble China Vase the British Empire: for I knew that being once broken, the separate Parts could not retain even their Share of the Strength or Value that existed in the Whole, and that a perfect Re-Union of those Parts could scarce even be hoped for. Your Lordship may possibly remember the Tears of Joy that wet my Cheek, when, at your good Sister's in London, you once gave me Expectations that a Reconciliation might soon take place. I had the Misfortune to find those Expectations disappointed, and to be treated as the Cause of the Mischief I was labouring to prevent. My Consolation under that groundless and malevolent Treatment was, that I retained the Friendship of many Wise and Good Men in that Country, and among the rest some Share in the Regard of Lord Howe. The well founded Esteem, and permit me to say Affection, which I shall always have for your Lordship, makes it painful to me to see you engag'd in conducting a War, the great Ground of which, as expressed in your Letter, is, "the Necessity of preventing the American Trade from passing into foreign Channels." To me it seems that neither the obtaining or retaining of any Trade, how valuable soever, is an Object for which Men may justly Spill each others Blood; that the true and sure means of extending and securing Commerce is the goodness and cheapness of Commodities; and that the profits of no Trade can ever be equal to the Expence of compelling it, and of holding it, by Fleets and Armies. I consider this War against us therefore, as both unjust, and unwise; and I am persuaded cool dispassionate Posterity will condemn to Infamy those who advised it; and that even Success will not save from some degree of Dishonour, those who voluntarily engag'd to conduct it. I know your great Motive in coming hither was the Hope of being instrumental in a Reconciliation; and I believe when you find _that_ impossible on any Terms given you to propose, you will relinquish so odious a Command, and return to a more honourable private Station. With the greatest and most sincere Respect I have the honour to be, My Lord your Lordships most obedient humble Servant "WOMEN . . . OUGHT TO BE FIX'D IN REVOLUTION PRINCIPLES" _To Emma Thompson_ Paris, Feb. 8. 1777 You are too early, Hussy, (as well as too saucy) in calling me Rebel; you should wait for the Event, which will determine whether it is a Rebellion or only a Revolution. Here the Ladies are more civil; they call us _les Insurgens_, a Character that usually pleases them: And methinks you, with all other Women who smart or have smarted under the Tyranny of a bad Husband, ought to be fix'd in _Revolution_ Principles, and act accordingly. In my way to Canada last Spring, I saw dear Mrs. Barrow at New York. Mr. Barrow had been from her two or three Months, to keep Gov. Tryon and other Tories Company, on board the Asia one of the King's Ships which lay in the Harbour; and in all that time, naughty Man, had not ventur'd once on shore to see her. Our Troops were then pouring into the Town, and she was packing up to leave it; fearing as she had a large House they would incommode her by quartering Officers in it. As she appear'd in great Perplexity, scarce knowing where to go I persuaded her to stay, and I went to the General Officers then commanding there, and recommended her to their Protection, which they promis'd, and perform'd. On my Return from Canada, (where I was a Piece of a Governor, and I think a very good one, for a Fortnight; and might have been so till this time if your wicked Army, Enemies to all good Government, had not come and driven me out) I found her still in quiet Possession of her House. I enquired how our People had behav'd to her; she spoke in high Terms of the respectful Attention they had paid her, and the Quiet and Security they had procur'd her. I said I was glad of it; and that if they had us'd her ill, I would have turn'd Tory. _Then_, says she, (with that pleasing Gaiety so natural to her) _I wish they had._ For you must know she is a Toryess as well as you and can as flippantly call Rebel. I drank Tea with her; we talk'd affectionately of you and our other Friends the Wilkes's, of whom she had receiv'd no late Intelligence. What became of her since, I have not heard. The Street she then liv'd in was some Months after chiefly burnt down; but as the Town was then, and ever since has been in Possession of the King's Troops, I have had no Opportunity of knowing whether she suffer'd any Loss in the Conflagration. I hope she did not, as if she did, I should wish I had not persuaded her to stay there. I am glad to learn from you that that unhappy tho' deserving Family the W's are getting into some Business that may afford them Subsistence. I pray that God will bless them, and that they may see happier Days. Mr. Cheap's and Dr. Huck's good Fortunes please me. Pray learn, (if you have not already learnt) like me, to be pleas'd with other People's Pleasures, and happy with their Happinesses; when none occur of your own; then perhaps you will not so soon be weary of the Place you chance to be in, and so fond of Rambling to get rid of your _Ennui._ I fancy You have hit upon the right Reason of your being weary of St. Omer, viz. that you are out of Temper which is the effect of full living and idleness. A month in Bridewell, beating Hemp upon Bread and Water, would give you Health and Spirits, and subsequent Chearfulness, and Contentment with every other Situation. I prescribe that Regimen for you my Dear, in pure good Will, without a Fee. And, if you do not get into Temper, neither Brussels nor Lisle will suit you. I know nothing of the Price of Living in either of those Places; but I am sure that a single Woman, as you are, might with Oeconomy, upon two hundred Pounds a year, maintain herself comfortably any where, and me into the Bargain. Don't invite me in earnest, however, to come and live with you; for being posted here I ought not to comply, and I am not sure I should be able to refuse. Present my Respects to Mrs. Payne and Mrs. Heathcoat, for tho' I have not the Honour of knowing them, yet as you say they are Friends to the American Cause, I am sure they must be Women of good Understanding. I know you wish you could see me, but as you can't, I will describe my self to you. Figure me in your mind as jolly as formerly, and as strong and hearty, only a few Years older, very plainly dress'd, wearing my thin grey strait Hair, that peeps out under my only Coiffure, a fine Fur Cap, which comes down my Forehead almost to my Spectacles. Think how this must appear among the Powder'd Heads of Paris. I wish every Gentleman and Lady in France would only be so obliging as to follow my Fashion, comb their own Heads as I do mine, dismiss their Friseurs, and pay me half the Money they paid to them. You see the Gentry might well afford this; and I could then inlist those Friseurs, who are at least 100,000; and with the Money I would maintain them, make a Visit with them to England, and dress the Heads of your Ministers and Privy Counsellors, which I conceive to be at present _un peu derangees._ Adieu, Madcap, and believe me ever Your affectionate Friend and humble Servant PS. Don't be proud of this long Letter. A Fit of the Gout which has confin'd me 5 Days, and made me refuse to see any Company, has given me a little time to trifle. Otherwise it would have been very short. Visitors and Business would have interrupted. And perhaps, with Mrs. Barrow, _you wish they had._ "WHOEVER WRITES TO A STRANGER SHOULD OBSERVE 3 POINTS" _To -------- Lith Sir, Passy near Paris, April 6. 1777 I have just been honoured with a Letter from you, dated the 26th past, in which you express your self as astonished, and appear to be angry that you have no Answer to a Letter you wrote me of the 11th of December, which you are sure was delivered to me. In Exculpation of my self, I assure you that I never receiv'd any Letter from you of that date. And indeed being then but 4 Days landed at Nantes, I think you could scarce have heard so soon of my being in Europe. But I receiv'd one from you of the 8th of January, which I own I did not answer. It may displease you if I give you the Reason; but as it may be of use to you in your future Correspondences, I will hazard that for a Gentleman to whom I feel myself oblig'd, as an American, on Account of his Good Will to our Cause. Whoever writes to a Stranger should observe 3 Points; 1. That what he proposes be practicable. 2. His Propositions should be made in explicit Terms so as to be easily understood. 3. What he desires should be in itself reasonable. Hereby he will give a favourable Impression of his Understanding, and create a Desire of further Acquaintance. Now it happen'd that you were negligent in _all_ these Points: for first you desired to have Means procur'd for you of taking a Voyage to America _"avec Surete"_; which is not possible, as the Dangers of the Sea subsist always, and at present there is the additional Danger of being taken by the English. Then you desire that this may be _"sans trop grandes Depenses,"_ which is not intelligible enough to be answer'd, because not knowing your Ability of bearing Expences, one cannot judge what may be _trop grandes._ Lastly you desire Letters of Address to the Congress and to General Washington; which it is not reasonable to ask of _one_ who knows no more of you than that your Name is Lith_, and that you live at BAYREUTH. In your last, you also express yourself in vague Terms when you desire to be inform'd whether you may expect _"d'etre recu d'une maniere convenable"_ in our Troops? As it is impossible to know what your Ideas are of the _maniere convenable_, how can one answer this? And then you demand whether I will support you by my Authority in giving you Letters of Recommendation? I doubt not your being a Man of Merit; and knowing it yourself, you may forget that it is not known to every body; but reflect a Moment, Sir, and you will be convinc'd, that if I were to practice giving Letters of Recommendation to Persons of whose Character I knew no more than I do of yours, my Recommendations would soon be of no Authority at all. I thank you however for your kind Desire of being Serviceable to my Countrymen: And I wish in return that I could be of Service to you in the Scheme you have form'd of going to America. But Numbers of experienc'd Officers here have offer'd to go over and join our Army, and I could give them no Encouragement, because I have no Orders for that purpose, and I know it extremely difficult to place them when they come there. I cannot but think therefore, that it is best for you not to make so long, so expensive, and so hazardous a Voyage, but to take the Advice of your Friends, and _stay in Franconia._ I have the honour to be Sir, &c. "DISPUTES ARE APT TO SOUR ONES TEMPER" _To [Lebegue de Presle]_ Sir Passy, Oct. 4 1777 I am much oblig'd by your Communication of the Letter from England. I am of your Opinion that a Translation of it will not be proper for Publication here. Our Friend's Expressions concerning Mr. Wilson will be thought too angry to be made use of by one Philosopher when speaking of another; and on a philosophical Question. He seems as much heated about this one Point, as the Jansenists and Molinists were about the Five. As to my writing any thing on the Subject, which you seem to desire, I think it not necessary; especially as I have nothing to add to what I have already said upon it in a Paper read to the Committee who ordered the Conductors at Purfleet, which Paper is printed in the last French Edition of my Writings. I have never entered into any Controversy in defence of my philosophical Opinions; I leave them to take their Chance in the World. If they are right, Truth and Experience will support them. If wrong, they ought to be refuted and rejected. Disputes are apt to sour ones Temper and disturb one's Quiet. I have no private Interest in the Reception of my Inventions by the World, having never made nor proposed to make the least Profit by any of them. The King's changing his pointed Conductors for blunt ones is therefore a Matter of small Importance to me. If I had a Wish about it, it would be that he had rejected them altogether as ineffectual, For it is only since he thought himself and Family safe from the Thunder of Heaven, that he dared to use his own Thunder in destroying his innocent Subjects. Be pleased when you write to present my respectful Compliments and Thanks to Mr. Magellans. I have forwarded your Letter to your Brother, and am with great Esteem, Sir Your most obedient humble Servant "YOUR MAGISTERIAL SNUBBINGS AND REBUKES" _To Arthur Lee_ SIR Passy, April 3, 1778 It is true I have omitted answering some of your Letters. I do not like to answer angry Letters. I hate Disputes. I am old, cannot have long to live, have much to do and no time for Altercation. If I have often receiv'd and borne your Magisterial Snubbings and Rebukes without Reply, ascribe it to the right Causes, my Concern for the Honour & Success of our Mission, which would be hurt by our Quarrelling, my Love of Peace, my Respect for your good Qualities, and my Pity of your Sick Mind, which is forever tormenting itself, with its Jealousies, Suspicions & Fancies that others mean you ill, wrong you, or fail in Respect for you. -- If you do not cure your self of this Temper it will end in Insanity, of which it is the Symptomatick Forerunner, as I have seen in several Instances. God preserve you from so terrible an Evil: and for his sake pray suffer me to live in quiet. I have the honour to be very respectfully, Sir, etc, "A SORT OF TAR-AND-FEATHER HONOUR" _To Charles de Weissenstein_ SIR, Passy, July 1, 1778. I received your letter, dated at Brussels the 16th past. My vanity might possibly be flattered by your expressions of compliment to my understanding, if your _proposals_ did not more clearly manifest a mean opinion of it. You conjure me, in the name of the omniscient and just God, before whom I must appear, and by my hopes of future fame, to consider if some expedient cannot be found to put a stop to the desolation of America, and prevent the miseries of a general war. As I am conscious of having taken every step in my power to prevent the breach, and no one to widen it, I can appear cheerfully before that God, fearing nothing from his justice in this particular, though I have much occasion for his mercy in many others. As to my future fame, I am content to rest it on my past and present conduct, without seeking an addition to it in the crooked, dark paths, you propose to me, where I should most certainly lose it. This your solemn address would therefore have been more properly made to your sovereign and his venal Parliament. He and they, who wickedly began, and madly continue, a war for the desolation of America, are alone accountable for the consequences. You endeavour to impress me with a bad opinion of French faith; but the instances of their friendly endeavours to serve a race of weak princes, who, by their own imprudence, defeated every attempt to promote their interest, weigh but little with me, when I consider the steady friendship of France to the Thirteen United States of Switzerland, which has now continued inviolate two hundred years. You tell me, that she will certainly cheat us, and that she despises us already. I do not believe that she will cheat us, and I am not certain that she despises us; but I see clearly that you are endeavouring to cheat us by your conciliatory bills; that you actually despised our understandings, when you flattered yourselves those artifices would succeed; and that not only France, but all Europe, yourselves included, most certainly and for ever would despise us, if we were weak enough to accept your insidious propositions. Our expectations of the future grandeur of America are not so magnificent, and therefore not so vain or visionary, as you represent them to be. The body of our people are not merchants, but humble husbandmen, who delight in the cultivation of their lands, which, from their fertility and the variety of our climates, are capable of furnishing all the necessaries and conveniences of life without external commerce; and we have too much land to have the least temptation to extend our territory by conquest from peaceable neighbours, as well as too much justice to think of it. Our militia, you find by experience, are sufficient to defend our lands from invasion; and the commerce with us will be defended by all the nations who find an advantage in it. We, therefore, have not the occasion you imagine, of fleets or standing armies, but may leave those expensive machines to be maintained for the pomp of princes, and the wealth of ancient states. We propose, if possible, to live in peace with all mankind; and after you have been convinced, to your cost, that there is nothing to be got by attacking us, we have reason to hope, that no other power will judge it prudent to quarrel with us, lest they divert us from our own quiet industry, and turn us into corsairs preying upon theirs. The weight therefore of an independent empire, which you seem certain of our inability to bear, will not be so great as you imagine. The expense of our civil government we have always borne, and can easily bear, because it is small. A virtuous and laborious people may be cheaply governed. Determining, as we do, to have no offices of profit, nor any sinecures or useless appointments, so common in ancient or corrupted states, we can govern ourselves a year, for the sum you pay in a single department, or for what one jobbing contractor, by the favour of a minister, can cheat you out of in a single article. You think we flatter ourselves, and are deceived into an opinion that England _must_ acknowledge our independency. We, on the other hand, think you flatter yourselves in imagining such an acknowledgment a vast boon, which we strongly desire, and which you may gain some great advantage by granting or withholding. We have never asked it of you; we only tell you, that you can have no treaty with us but as an independent state; and you may please yourselves and your children with the rattle of your right to govern us, as long as you have done with that of your King's being King of France, without giving us the least concern, if you do not attempt to exercise it. That this pretended right is indisputable, as you say, we utterly deny. Your Parliament never had a right to govern us, and your King has forfeited it by his bloody tyranny. But I thank you for letting me know a little of your mind, that, even if the Parliament should acknowledge our independency, the act would not be binding to posterity, and that your nation would resume and prosecute the claim as soon as they found it convenient from the influence of your passions, and your present malice against us. We suspected before, that you would not be actually bound by your conciliatory acts, longer than till they had served their purpose of inducing us to disband our forces; but we were not certain, that you were knaves by principle, and that we ought not to have the least confidence in your offers, promises, or treaties, though confirmed by Parliament. I now indeed recollect my being informed, long since, when in England, that a certain very great personage, then young, studied much a certain book, called _Arcana Imperii._ I had the curiosity to procure the book and read it. There are sensible and good things in it, but some bad ones; for, if I remember rightly, a particular king is applauded for his politically exciting a rebellion among his subjects, at a time when they had not strength to support it, that he might, in subduing them, take away their privileges, which were troublesome to him; and a question is formally stated and discussed, _Whether a prince, who, to appease a revolt, makes promises of indemnity to the revolters, is obliged to fulfil those promises._ Honest and good men would say, Ay; but this politician says, as you say, No. And he gives this pretty reason, that, though it was right to make the promises, because otherwise the revolt would not be suppressed, yet it would be wrong to keep them, because revolters ought to be punished to deter from future revolts. If these are the principles of your nation, no confidence can be placed in you; it is in vain to treat with you; and the wars can only end in being reduced to an utter inability of continuing them. One main drift of your letter seems to be, to impress me with an idea of your own impartiality, by just censures of your ministers and measures, and to draw from me propositions of peace, or approbations of those you have enclosed to me which you intimate may by your means be conveyed to the King directly, without the intervention of those ministers. You would have me give them to, or drop them for, a stranger, whom I may find next Monday in the church of Notre Dame, to be known by a rose in his hat. You yourself, Sir, are quite unknown to me; you have not trusted me with your true name. Our taking the least step towards a treaty with England through you, might, if you are an enemy, be made use of to ruin us with our new and good friends. I may be indiscreet enough in many things; but certainly, if I were disposed to make propositions (which I cannot do, having none committed to me to make), I should never think of delivering them to the Lord knows who, to be carried to the Lord knows where, to serve no one knows what purposes. Being at this time one of the most remarkable figures in Paris, even my appearance in the church of Notre Dame, where I cannot have any conceivable business, and especially being seen to leave or drop any letter to any person there, would be a matter of some speculation, and might, from the suspicions it must naturally give, have very mischievous consequences to our credit here. The very proposing of a correspondence so to be managed, in a manner not necessary where fair dealing is intended, gives just reason to suppose you intend the contrary. Besides, as your court has sent Commissioners to treat with the Congress, with all the powers that could be given them by the crown under the act of Parliament, what good purpose can be served by privately obtaining propositions from us? Before those Commissioners went, we might have treated in virtue of our general powers, (with the knowledge, advice, and approbation of our friends), upon any propositions made to us. But, under the present circumstances, for us to make propositions, while a treaty is supposed to be actually on foot with the Congress, would be extremely improper, highly presumptuous with regard to our constituents, and answer no good end whatever. I write this letter to you, notwithstanding; (which I think I can convey in a less mysterious manner, and guess it may come to your hands;) I write it because I would let you know our sense of your procedure, which appears as insidious as that of your conciliatory bills. Your true way to obtain peace, if your ministers desire it, is, to propose openly to the Congress fair and equal terms, and you may possibly come sooner to such a resolution, when you find, that personal flatteries, general cajolings, and panegyrics on our _virtue_ and _wisdom_ are not likely to have the effect you seem to expect; the persuading us to act basely and foolishly, in betraying our country and posterity into the hands of our most bitter enemies, giving up or selling our arms and warlike stores, dismissing our ships of war and troops, and putting those enemies in possession of our forts and ports. This proposition of delivering ourselves, bound and gagged, ready for hanging, without even a right to complain, and without a friend to be found afterwards among all mankind, you would have us embrace upon the faith of an act of Parliament! Good God! an act of your Parliament! This demonstrates that you do not yet know us, and that you fancy we do not know you; but it is not merely this flimsy faith, that we are to act upon; you offer us _hope_, the hope of PLACES, PENSIONS, and PEERAGES. These, judging from yourselves, you think are motives irresistible. This offer to corrupt us, Sir, is with me your credential, and convinces me that you are not a private volunteer in your application. It bears the stamp of British court character. It is even the signature of your King. But think for a moment in what light it must be viewed in America. BY PLACES, you mean places among us, for you take care by a special article to secure your own to yourselves. We must then pay the salaries in order to enrich ourselves with these places. But you will give us PENSIONS, probably to be paid too out of your expected American revenue, and which none of us can accept without deserving, and perhaps obtaining, a SUS-_pension._ PEERAGES! alas! Sir, our long observation of the vast servile majority of your peers, voting constantly for every measure proposed by a minister, however weak or wicked, leaves us small respect for that title. We consider it as a sort of _tar-and-feather_ honour, or a mixture of foulness and folly, which every man among us, who should accept it from your King, would be obliged to renounce, or exchange for that conferred by the mobs of their own country, or wear it with everlasting infamy. I am, Sir, your humble servant, "GOD-SEND OR THE WRECKERS" _To David Hartley_ DEAR SIR, Passy, Feb. 3, 1779. I have just received your favour of the 23d past, in which you mention, "that the alliance between France and America is the great StumblingBlock in the way of Making Peace;" and you go on to observe, that "whatever Engagements America may have entred into, they may, (at least by consent of Parties) _be relinquished_, for the purpose of removing so material an Obstacle to any general Treaty of free and unengaged Parties" adding, that "if the parties could meet for the sake of Peace upon _free_ and _open_ Ground, you should think _that_ a very fair Proposition to be offered to the People of England, and an equitable Proposition in itself." The long, steady, & kind regard you have shown for the Welfare of America, by the whole Tenour of your Conduct in Parliament, satisfies me, that this Proposition never took its Rise with you, but has been suggested from some other quarter; and that your Excess of Humanity, your Love of Peace, & your fears for us, that the Destruction we are threatened with will certainly be effected, have thrown a Mist before your Eyes, which hindred you from seeing the Malignity and Mischief of it. We know that your King hates Whigs and Presbyterians; that he thirsts for our Blood, of which he has already drunk large Draughts; that his servile unprincipled Ministers are ready to execute the wickedest of his Orders, and his venal Parliament equally ready to vote them just. Not the Smallest Appearance of a Reason can be imagined capable of inducing us to think of relinquishing a Solid Alliance with one of the most amiable, as well as most powerful Princes of Europe, for the Expectation of unknown Terms of Peace, to be afterwards offer'd to us by _such a government_; a Government, that has already shamefully broke all the Compacts it ever made with us! This is worse than advising us to drop the Substance for the Shadow. The Dog after he found his Mistake, might possibly have recover'd his Mutton; but we could never hope to be trusted again by France, or indeed by any other Nation under heaven. Nor does there appear any more Necessity for dissolving an Alliance with France before you can treat with us, than there would of dissolving your alliance with Holland, or your Union with Scotland, before we could treat with you. Ours is therefore no _material Obstacle_ to a Treaty as you suppose it to be. Had Lord North been the Author of such a Proposition, all the World would have said it was insidious, and meant only to deceive & divide us from our Friends, and then to ruin us; supposing our Fears might be strong enough to procure an Acceptance of it; but thanks to God, that is not the Case! We have long since settled all the Account in our own Minds. We know the worst you can do to us, if you have your Wish, is to confiscate our Estates & take our Lives, to rob & murder us; and this you have seen we are ready to hazard, rather than come again under your detested Government. You must observe, my dear Friend, that I am a little warm. -- Excuse me. -- 'Tis over. -- Only let me counsel you not to think of being sent hither on so fruitless an Errand, as that of making such a Proposition. It puts me in mind of the comick Farce intitled, _God-send or The Wreckers._ You may have forgotten it; but I will endeavour to amuse you by recollecting a little of it. SCENE. _Mount's Bay._ [_A Ship riding at anchor in a great Storm. A Lee Shore full of Rocks, and lin'd with people, furnish'd with Axes & Carriages to cut up Wrecks, knock the Sailors on the Head, and carry off the Plunder; according to Custom._] 1_st. Wrecker._ This Ship rides it out longer than I expected. She must have good Ground Tackle. 2 _Wrecker._ We had better send off a Boat to her, and persuade her to take a Pilot, who can afterwards run her ashore, where we can best come at her. 3 _Wrecker._ I doubt whether the boat can live in this Sea; but if there are any brave Fellows willing to hazard themselves for the good of the Public, & a double Share, let them say aye. _Several Wreckers._ I, I, I, I. [_The Boat goes off, and comes under the Ship's Stern._] _Spokesman._ So ho, the Ship, ahoa! _Captain._ Hulloa. _Sp._ Wou'd you have a Pilot? _Capt._ No, no! _Sp._ It blows hard, & you are in Danger. _Capt._ I know it. _Sp._ Will you buy a better Cable? We have one in the boat here. _Capt._ What do you ask for it? _Sp._ Cut that you have, & then we'll talk about the price of this. _Capt._ I shall not do such a foolish Thing. I have liv'd in your Parish formerly, & know the Heads of ye too well to trust ye; keep off from my Cable there; I see you have a mind to cut it yourselves. If you go any nearer to it, I'll fire into you and sink you. _Sp._ It is a damn'd rotten French Cable, and will part of itself in half an hour. Where will you be then, Captain? You had better take our offer. _Capt._ You offer nothing, you Rogues, but Treachery and Mischief. My cable is good & strong, and will hold long enough to baulk all your Projects. _Sp._ You talk unkindly, Captain, to People who came here only for your Good. _Capt._ I know you come for all our _Goods_, but, by God's help, you shall have none of them; you shall not serve us as you did the Indiaman. _Sp._ Come, my Lads, let's be gone. This Fellow is not so great a Fool as we -- took him to be. "I-DOLL-IZED IN THIS COUNTRY" _To Sarah Bache_ DEAR SALLY, Passy, June 3, 1779. I have before me your letters of October 22d and January 17th. They are the only ones I received from you in the course of eighteen months. If you knew how happy your letters make me, and considered how many miscarry, I think you would write oftener. I am much obliged to the Miss Cliftons for the kind care they took of my house and furniture. Present my thankful acknowledgments to them, and tell them I wish them all sorts of happiness. The clay medallion of me you say you gave to Mr. Hopkinson was the first of the kind made in France. A variety of others have been made since of different sizes; some to be set in the lids of snuffboxes, and some so small as to be worn in rings; and the numbers sold are incredible. These, with the pictures, busts, and prints, (of which copies upon copies are spread everywhere,) have made your father's face as well known as that of the moon, so that he durst not do any thing that would oblige him to run away, as his phiz would discover him wherever he should venture to show it. It is said by learned etymologists, that the name _doll_, for the images children play with, is derived from the word IDOL. From the number of _dolls_ now made of him, he may be truly said, _in that sense_, to be _i-doll-ized_ in this country. I think you did right to stay out of town till the summer was over, for the sake of your child's health. I hope you will get out again this summer, during the hot months; for I begin to love the dear little creature from your description of her. I was charmed with the account you gave me of your industry, the tablecloths of your own spinning, &c.; but the latter part of the paragraph, that you had sent for linen from France, because weaving and flax were grown dear, alas, that dissolved the charm; and your sending for long black pins, and lace, and _feathers!_ disgusted me as much as if you had put salt into my strawberries. The spinning, I see, is laid aside, and you are to be dressed for the ball! You seem not to know, my dear daughter, that, of all the dear things in this world, idleness is the dearest, except mischief. The project you mention, of removing Temple from me was an unkind one. To deprive an old man, sent to serve his country in a foreign one, of the comfort of a child to attend him, to assist him in health and take care of him in sickness, would be cruel, if it was practicable. In this case it could not be done; for, as the pretended suspicions of him are groundless, and his behaviour in every respect unexceptionable, I should not part with the child, but with the employment. But I am confident, that, whatever may be proposed by weak or malicious people, the Congress is too wise and too good to think of treating me in that manner. Ben, if I should live long enough to want it, is like to be another comfort to me. As I intend him for a Presbyterian as well as a republican, I have sent him to finish his education at Geneva. He is much grown, in very good health, draws a little, as you will see by the enclosed, learns Latin, writing, arithmetic, and dancing, and speaks French better than English. He made a translation of your last letter to him, so that some of your works may now appear in a foreign language. He has not been long from me. I send the accounts I have of him, and I shall put him in mind of writing to you. I cannot propose to you to part with your own dear Will. I must one of these days go back to see him; happy to be once more all together! but futurities are uncertain. Teach him, however, in the mean time, to direct his worship more properly, for the deity of Hercules is now quite out of fashion. The present you mention as sent by me was rather that of a merchant at Bordeaux; for he would never give me any account of it, and neither Temple nor I know any thing of the particulars. When I began to read your account of the high prices of goods, "a pair of gloves, $7; a yard of common gauze, $24, and that it now required a fortune to maintain a family in a very plain way," I expected you would conclude with telling me, that everybody as well as yourself was grown frugal and industrious; and I could scarce believe my eyes in reading forward, that "there never was so much pleasure and dressing going on;" and that you yourself wanted black pins and feathers from France to appear, I suppose, in the mode! This leads me to imagine, that perhaps it is not so much that the goods are grown dear, as that the money is grown cheap, as every thing else will do when excessively plenty; and that people are still as easy nearly in their circumstances, as when a pair of gloves might be had for half a crown. The war indeed may in some degree raise the prices of goods, and the high taxes which are necessary to support the war may make our frugality necessary; and, as I am always preaching that doctrine, I cannot in conscience or in decency encourage the contrary, by my example, in furnishing my children with foolish modes and luxuries. I therefore send all the articles you desire, that are useful and necessary, and omit the rest; for, as you say you should "have great pride in wearing any thing I send, and showing it as your father's taste," I must avoid giving you an opportunity of doing that with either lace or feathers. If you wear your cambric ruffles as I do, and take care not to mend the holes, they will come in time to be lace; and feathers, my dear girl, may be had in America from every cock's tail. If you happen again to see General Washington, assure him of my very great and sincere respect, and tell him, that all the old Generals here amuse themselves in studying the accounts of his operations, and approve highly of his conduct. Present my affectionate regards to all friends that inquire after me, particularly Mr. Duffield and family, and write oftener, my dear child, to your loving father, DESIGNS AND MOTTOES FOR COINS _To Edward Bridgen_ DEAR SIR, Passy, Octo'r 2'd 1779. I received your Favor of the 17th past, and the two Samples of Copper are since come to hand. The Metal seems to be very good, and the price reasonable; but I have not yet received the Orders necessary to justify my making the Purchase proposed. There has indeed been an intention to strike Copper Coin, that may not only be useful as small Change, but serve other purposes. Instead of repeating continually upon every halfpenny the dull story that everybody knows, (and what it would have been no loss to mankind if nobody had ever known,) that Geo. III is King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, &c. &c., to put on one side, some important Proverb of Solomon, some pious moral, prudential or economical Precept, the frequent Inculcation of which, by seeing it every time one receives a piece of Money, might make an impression upon the mind, especially of young Persons, and tend to regulate the Conduct; such as, on some, _The fear of the Lord is the beginning of Wisdom_; on others, _Honesty is the best Policy_; on others, _He that by the Plow would thrive, himself must either hold or drive_; on others, _Keep thy Shop, and thy Shop will keep thee_; on others, _A penny saved is a penny got_; on others, _He that buys what he has no need of, will soon be forced to sell his necessaries_; on others, _Early to bed and early to rise, will make a man healthy, wealthy, and wise_; and so on, to a great variety. The other side it was proposed to fill with good Designs, drawn and engraved by the best artists in France, of all the different Species of Barbarity with which the English have carried on the War in America, expressing every abominable circumstance of their Cruelty and Inhumanity, that figures can express, to make an Impression on the minds of Posterity as strong and durable as that on the Copper. This Resolution has been a long time forborne; but the late burning of defenceless Towns in Connecticut, on the flimsy pretence that the people fired from behind their Houses, when it is known to have been premeditated and ordered from England, will probably give the finishing provocation, and may occasion a vast demand for your Metal. I thank you for your kind wishes respecting my Health. I return them most cordially fourfold into your own bosom. Adieu. "SOMEBODY . . . GAVE IT OUT THAT I LOV'D LADIES" _To Elizabeth Partridge_ MRS. PARTRIDGE Passy, Oct. 11. 1779. Your kind Letter, my dear Friend, was long in coming; but it gave me the Pleasure of knowing that you had been well in October and January last. The Difficulty, Delay & Interruption of Correspondence with those I love, is one of the great Inconveniencies I find in living so far from home: but we must bear these & more, with Patience, if we can; if not, we must bear them as I do with Impatience. You mention the Kindness of the French Ladies to me. I must explain that matter. This is the civilest nation upon Earth. Your first Acquaintances endeavour to find out what you like, and they tell others. If 'tis understood that you like Mutton, dine where you will you find Mutton. Somebody, it seems, gave it out that I lov'd Ladies; and then every body presented me their Ladies (or the Ladies presented themselves) to be _embrac'd_, that is to have their Necks kiss'd. For as to kissing of Lips or Cheeks it is not the Mode here, the first, is reckon'd rude, & the other may rub off the Paint. The French Ladies have however 1000 other ways of rendering themselves agreable; by their various Attentions and Civilities, & their sensible Conversation. 'Tis a delightful People to live with. I thank you for the Boston Newspapers, tho' I see nothing so clearly in them as that your Printers do indeed want new Letters. They perfectly blind me in endeavouring to read them. If you should ever have any Secrets that you wish to be well kept, get them printed in those Papers. You enquire if Printers Types may be had here? Of all Sorts, very good, cheaper than in England, and of harder Metal. -- I will see any Orders executed in that way that any of your Friends may think fit to send. They will doubtless send Money with their Orders. Very good Printing Ink is likewise to be had here. I cannot by this opportunity send the miniature you desire, but I send you a little Head in China, more like, perhaps, than the Painting would be. It may be set in a Locket, if you like it, cover'd with Glass, and may serve for the present. When Peace comes we may afford to be more extravagant. I send with it a Couple of Fatherly Kisses for you & your amiable Daughter, the whole wrapt up together in Cotton to be kept warm. Present my respectful Compliments to Mr Partridge. Adieu, my dear Child, & believe me ever Your affectionate Papah "YOUR COOL CONDUCT AND PERSEVERING BRAVERY" _To John Paul Jones_ DEAR SIR, Passy, Oct. 15, 1779. I received the Account of your Cruize and Engagement with the _Serapis_, which you did me the honour to send me from the Texel. I have since received your Favor of the 8th, from Amsterdam. For some Days after the Arrival of your Express, scarce any thing was talked of at Paris and Versailles, but your cool Conduct and persevering Bravery during that terrible Conflict. You may believe, that the Impression on my Mind was not less strong than on that of others; but I do not chuse to say in a letter to yourself all I think on such an Occasion. The Ministry are much dissatisfied with Captain Landais, and M. de Sartine has signified to me in writing that it is expected that I should send for him to Paris, and call him to Account for his Conduct particularly for deferring so long his coming to your Assistance, by which Means, it is supposed, the States lost some of their valuable Citizens, and the King lost many of his Subjects, Volunteers in your Ship, together with the Ship itself. I have, accordingly, written to him this Day, acquainting him that he is charged with Disobedience of Orders in the Cruize, and Neglect of his Duty in the Engagement; that, a Court-Martial being at this Time inconvenient, if not impracticable, I would give him an earlier Opportunity of offering what he has to say in his Justification, and for that Purpose direct him to render himself immediately here, bringing with him such Papers or Testimonies, as he may think useful in his Defence. I know not whether he will obey my orders, nor what the Ministry will do with him, if he comes; but I suspect that they may by some of their concise Operations save the Trouble of a Court-Martial. It will be well, however, for you to furnish me with what you may judge proper to support the Charges against him, that I may be able to give a just and clear Account of the Affair to Congress. In the mean time it will be necessary, if he should refuse to come, that you should put him under an Arrest, and in that Case, as well as if he comes, that you should either appoint some Person to command his Ship or take it upon yourself; for I know of no Person to recommend to you as fit for that Station. I am uneasy about your Prisoners; I wish they were safe in France. You will then have compleated the glorious work of giving Liberty to all the Americans that have so long languished for it in the British Prisons; for there are not so many there, as you have now taken. I have the Pleasure to inform you, that the two Prizes sent to Norway are safely arrived at Berghen. With the highest Esteem, I am, &c. P.S. I am sorry for your Misunderstanding with M. de Chaumont, who has a great Regard for you. "THE GREAT UNCERTAINTY I FOUND IN METAPHYSICAL REASONINGS" _To Benjamin Vaughan_ DEAR SIR, Passy, Nov. 9. 1779. I have received several kind Letters from you, which I have not regularly answered. They gave me however great Pleasure, as they acquainted me with your Welfare, and that of your Family and other Friends; and I hope you will continue writing to me as often as you can do it conveniently. I thank you much for the great Care and Pains you have taken in regulating and correcting the Edition of those Papers. Your Friendship for me appears in almost every Page; and if the Preservation of any of them should prove of Use to the Publick, it is to you that the Publick will owe the Obligation. In looking them over, I have noted some Faults of Impression that hurt the Sense, and some other little Matters, which you will find all in a Sheet under the title of _Errata._ You can best judge whether it may be worth while to add any of them to the Errata already printed, or whether it may not be as well to reserve the whole for Correction in another Edition, if such should ever be. Inclos'd I send a more perfect copy of the _Chapter._ If I should ever recover the Pieces that were in the Hands of my Son, and those I left among my Papers in America, I think there may be enough to make three more such Volumes, of which a great part would be more interesting. As to the _Time_ of publishing, of which you ask my Opinion I am not furnish'd with any Reasons, or Ideas of Reasons, on which to form any Opinion. Naturally I should suppose the Bookseller to be from Experience the best Judge, and I should be for leaving it to him. I did not write the Pamphlet you mention. I know nothing of it. I suppose it is the same, concerning which Dr. Priestley formerly asked me the same Question. That for which he took it was intitled, _A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain_, with these Lines in the TitlePage. "Whatever is, is right. But purblind Man Sees but a part o' the Chain, the nearest Link; His eye not carrying to that equal Beam, That poises all above." DRYDEN. _London, Printed M.D.C.C.X.X.V._ It was addressed to Mr. J. R., that is, James Ralph, then a youth of about my age, and my intimate friend; afterwards a political writer and historian. The purport of it was to prove the doctrine of fate, from the supposed attributes of God; in some such manner as this: that in erecting and governing the world, as he was infinitely wise, he knew what would be best; infinitely good, he must be disposed, and infinitely powerful, he must be able to execute it: consequently all is right. There were only an hundred copies printed, of which I gave a few to friends, and afterwards disliking the piece, as conceiving it might have an ill tendency, I burnt the rest, except one copy, the margin of which was filled with manuscript notes by Lyons, author of the Infallibility of Human Judgment, who was at that time another of my acquaintance in London. I was not nineteen years of age when it was written. In 1730, I wrote a piece on the other side of the question, which began with laying for its foundation this fact: "That almost all men in all ages and countries, have at times made use of prayer." Thence I reasoned, that if all things are ordained, prayer must among the rest be ordained. But as prayer can produce no change in things that are ordained, praying must then be useless and an absurdity. God would therefore not ordain praying if everything else was ordained. But praying exists, therefore all things are not ordained, etc. This pamphlet was never printed, and the manuscript has been long lost. The great uncertainty I found in metaphysical reasonings disgusted me, and I quitted that kind of reading and study for others more satisfactory. I return the Manuscripts you were so obliging as to send me; I am concern'd at your having no other copys, I hope these will get safe to your hands. I do not remember the Duke de Chaulnes showing me the Letter you mention. I have received Dr. Crawford's book, but not your Abstract, which I wait for as you desire. I send you also M. Dupont's _Table Economique_, which I think an excellent Thing, as it contains in a clear Method all the principles of that new sect, called here _les Economistes._ Poor Henley's dying in that manner is inconceivable to me. Is any Reason given to account for it, besides insanity? Remember me affectionately to all your good Family, and believe me, with great Esteem, my dear Friend, yours, most sincerely, "THAT MEN WOULD CEASE TO BE WOLVES" _To Joseph Priestley_ DEAR SIR, Passy, Feb. 8. 1780. Your kind Letter of September 27 came to hand but very lately, the Bearer having staied long in Holland. I always rejoice to hear of your being still employ'd in experimental Researches into Nature, and of the Success you meet with. The rapid Progress _true_ Science now makes, occasions my regretting sometimes that I was born so soon. It is impossible to imagine the Height to which may be carried, in a thousand years, the Power of Man over Matter. We may perhaps learn to deprive large Masses of their Gravity, and give them absolute Levity, for the sake of easy Transport. Agriculture may diminish its Labour and double its Produce; all Diseases may by sure means be prevented or cured, not excepting even that of Old Age, and our Lives lengthened at pleasure even beyond the antediluvian Standard. O that moral Science were in as fair a way of Improvement, that Men would cease to be Wolves to one another, and that human Beings would at length learn what they now improperly call Humanity! I am glad my little Paper on the _Aurora Borealis_ pleased. If it should occasion further Enquiry, and so produce a better Hypothesis, it will not be wholly useless. I am ever, with the greatest and most sincere Esteem, dear Sir, yours very affectionately I have consider'd the Situation of that Person very attentively. I think that, with a little help from the _Moral Algebra_, he might form a better judgment than any other Person can form for him. But, since my Opinion seems to be desired, I give it for continuing to the End of the Term, under all the present disagreeable Circumstances. The connection will then die a natural Death. No Reason will be expected to be given for the Separation, and of course no Offence taken at Reasons given; the Friendship may still subsist, and in some other way be useful. The Time diminishes daily, and is usefully employ'd. All human Situations have their Inconveniencies; we _feel_ those that we find in the present, and we neither _feel_ nor _see_ those that exist in another. Hence we make frequent and troublesome Changes without Amendment, and often for the worse. In my Youth, I was Passenger in a little Sloop, descending the River Delaware. There being no Wind, we were obliged, when the Ebb was spent, to cast anchor, and wait for the next. The Heat of the Sun on the Vessel was excessive, the Company Strangers to me, and not very agreable. Near the river Side I saw what I took to be a pleasant green Meadow, in the middle of which was a large shady Tree, where it struck my Fancy I could sit and read, (having a Book in my Pocket,) and pass the time agreably till the tide turned. I therefore prevail'd with the Captain to put me ashore. Being landed, I found the greatest part of my Meadow was really a Marsh, in crossing which, to come at my Tree, I was up to my Knees in Mire; and I had not placed myself under its Shade five Minutes, before the Muskitoes in Swarms found me out, attack'd my Legs, Hands, and Face, and made my Reading and my Rest impossible; so that I return'd to the Beach, and call'd for the Boat to come and take me aboard again, where I was oblig'd to bear the Heat I had strove to quit, and also the Laugh of the Company. Similar Cases in the Affairs of Life have since frequently fallen under my Observation. I have had Thoughts of a College for him in America. I know no one who might be more useful to the Publick in the Instruction of Youth. But there are possible Unpleasantnesses in that Situation; it cannot be obtain'd but by a too hazardous Voyage at this time for a Family; and the Time for Experiments would be all otherwise engaged. "LIKE A FIELD OF YOUNG INDIAN CORN" _To George Washington_ SIR, Passy, March 5 1780. I have received but lately the Letter your Excellency did me the honour of writing to me in Recommendation of the Marquis de la Fayette. His modesty detained it long in his own Hands. We became acquainted, however, from the time of his Arrival at Paris; and his Zeal for the Honour of our Country, his Activity in our Affairs here, and his firm Attachment to our Cause and to you, impress'd me with the same Regard and Esteem for him that your Excellency's Letter would have done, had it been immediately delivered to me. Should peace arrive after another Campaign or two, and afford us a little Leisure, I should be happy to see your Excellency in Europe, and to accompany you, if my Age and Strength would permit, in visiting some of its ancient and most famous Kingdoms. You would, on this side of the Sea, enjoy the great Reputation you have acquir'd, pure and free from those little Shades that the Jealousy and Envy of a Man's Countrymen and Cotemporaries are ever endeavouring to cast over living Merit. Here you would know, and enjoy, what Posterity will say of Washington. For 1000 Leagues have nearly the same Effect with 1000 Years. The feeble Voice of those grovelling Passions cannot extend so far either in Time or Distance. At present I enjoy that Pleasure for you, as I frequently hear the old Generals of this martial Country, (who study the Maps of America, and mark upon them all your Operations,) speak with sincere Approbation and great Applause of your conduct; and join in giving you the Character of one of the greatest Captains of the Age. I must soon quit the Scene, but you may live to see our Country flourish, as it will amazingly and rapidly after the War is over. Like a Field of young Indian Corn, which long Fair weather and Sunshine had enfeebled and discolored, and which in that weak State, by a Thunder Gust, of violent Wind, Hail, and Rain, seem'd to be threaten'd with absolute Destruction; yet the Storm being past, it recovers fresh Verdure, shoots up with double Vigour, and delights the Eye, not of its Owner only, but of every observing Traveller. The best Wishes that can be form'd for your Health, Honour, and Happiness, ever attend you from your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant "THAN IF YOU HAD SWALLOWED A HANDSPIKE" _To Thomas Bond_ DEAR SIR, Passy, March 16, 1780. I received your kind letter of September the 22d, and I thank you for the pleasing account you give me of the health and welfare of my old friends, Hugh Roberts, Luke Morris, Philip Syng, Samuel Rhoads, &c., with the same of yourself and family. Shake the old ones by the hand for me, and give the young ones my blessing. For my own part, I do not find that I grow any older. Being arrived at seventy, and considering that by travelling further in the same road I should probably be led to the grave, I stopped short, turned about, and walked back again; which having done these four years, you may now call me sixty-six. Advise those old friends of ours to follow my example; keep up your spirits, and that will keep up your bodies; you will no more stoop under the weight of age, than if you had swallowed a handspike. I am glad the Philosophical Society made that compliment to M. Gerard. I wish they would do the same to M. Feutry, a worthy gentleman here; and to Dr. Ingenhousz, who has made some great discoveries lately respecting the leaves of trees in improving air for the use of animals. He will send you his book. He is physician to the Empress Queen. I have not yet seen your piece on inoculation. Remember me respectfully and affectionately to Mrs. Bond, your children, and all friends. I am ever, &c. P.S. I have bought some valuable books, which I intend to present to the Society; but shall not send them till safer times. "THE MOULIN JOLI IS A LITTLE ISLAND IN THE SEINE" _To William Carmichael_ DEAR SIR, Passy, June 17, 1780. Your favours of the 22d past came duly to hand. Sir John Dalrymple has been here some time, but I hear nothing of his political operations. The learned talk of the discovery he has made in the Escurial Library, of forty Epistles of Brutus, a missing part of Tacitus, and a piece of Seneca, that have never yet been printed, which excite much curiosity. He has not been with me, and I am told, by one of his friends, that, though he wished to see me, he did not think it prudent. So I suppose I shall have no communication with him; for I shall not seek it. As Count de Vergennes has mentioned nothing to me of any memorial from him, I suppose he has not presented it; perhaps discouraged by the reception it met with in Spain. So I wish, for curiosity's sake, you would send me a copy of it. The Marquis de Lafayette arrived safely at Boston on the 28th of April, and, it is said, gave expectations of the coming of a squadron and troops. The vessel that brings this left New London the 2d of May; her captain reports, that the siege of Charleston was raised, the troops attacked in their retreat, and Clinton killed; but this wants confirmation. London has been in the utmost confusion for seven or eight days. The beginning of this month, a mob of fanatics, joined by a mob of rogues, burnt and destroyed property to the amount, it is said, of a million sterling. Chapels of foreign ambassadors, houses of members of Parliament that had promoted the act for favouring Catholics, and the houses of many private persons of that religion, were pillaged and consumed, or pulled down, to the number of fifty; among the rest, Lord Mansfield's is burnt, with all his furniture, pictures, books, and papers. Thus he, who approved the burning of American houses, has had fire brought home to him. He himself was horribly scared, and Governor Hutchinson, it is said, died outright of the fright. The mob, tired with roaring and rioting seven days and nights, were at length suppressed, and quiet restored on the 9th, in the evening. Next day Lord George Gordon was committed to the tower. Enclosed I send you the little piece you desire. To understand it rightly you should be acquainted with some few circumstances. The person to whom it was addressed is Madame Brillon, a lady of most respectable character and pleasing conversation; mistress of an amiable family in this neighbourhood, with which I spend an evening twice in every week. She has, among other elegant accomplishments, that of an excellent musician; and, with her daughters, who sing prettily, and some friends who play, she kindly entertains me and my grandson with little concerts, a cup of tea, and a game of chess. I call this _my Opera_, for I rarely go to the Opera at Paris. The Moulin Joli is a little island in the Seine about two leagues hence, part of the country-seat of another friend, where we visit every summer, and spend a day in the pleasing society of the ingenious, learned, and very polite persons who inhabit it. At the time when the letter was written, all conversations at Paris were filled with disputes about the music of Gluck and Picini, a German and Italian musician, who divided the town into violent parties. A friend of this lady having obtained a copy of it, under a promise not to give another, did not observe that promise; so that many have been taken, and it is become as public as such a thing can well be, that is not printed; but I could not dream of its being heard of at Madrid! The thought was partly taken from a little piece of some unknown writer, which I met with fifty years since in a newspaper, and which the sight of the Ephemera brought to my recollection. Adieu, my dear friend, and believe me ever yours most affectionately, "MR. ADAMS HAS GIVEN OFFENCE TO THE COURT HERE" _To Samuel Huntington_ SIR, Passy, August 9, 1780. With this your Excellency will receive a Copy of my last, dated May 31st, the Original of which, with Copies of preceding Letters, went by the _Alliance_, Capt. Landais, who sailed the Beginning of last Month, and who I wish may arrive safe in America, being apprehensive, that by her long Delay in Port, from the Mutiny of the People, who after she was ready to sail refused to weigh Anchor till paid Wages, she may fall in the Way of the English Fleet now out; or that her Crew, who have ever been infected with Disorder and Mutiny, may carry her into England. She had, on her first coming out, a Conspiracy for that purpose; besides which her Officers and Captain quarrell'd with each other, the Captain with Comm'e Jones, and there have been so many Embroils among them, that it was impossible to get the Business forward while she staied, and she is at length gone, without taking the Quantity of Stores she was capable of taking, and was ordered to take. I suppose the Conduct of that Captain will be enquired into by a Court-Martial. Capt. Jones goes home in the _Ariel_, a Ship we have borrowed of Government here, and carries 146 Chests of Arms, and 400 Barrels of Powder. To take the rest of the Stores, and Cloathing I have been obliged to freight a Ship, which, being well arm'd and well mann'd, will, I hope, get safe. The cloathes for 10,000 Men are, I think, all made up; there are also Arms for 15,000, new and good, with 2,000 Barrels of Powder. Besides this, there is a great Quantity of Cloth I have bought, of which you will have the Invoices, sent by Mr. Williams; another large Quantity purchas'd by Mr. Ross; all going in the same Ship. The little Authority we have here to govern our armed Ships, and the Inconvenience of Distance from the Ports, occasion abundance of Irregularities in the Conduct of both Men and Officers. I hope, therefore, that no more of those Vessels will be sent hither, till our Code of Laws is perfected respecting Ships abroad, and proper Persons appointed to manage such Affairs in the SeaPorts. They give me infinite Trouble; and, tho' I endeavour to act for the best, it is without Satisfaction to myself, being unacquainted with that kind of Business. I have often mention'd the Appointment of a Consul or Consuls. The Congress have, perhaps, not yet had time to consider that Matter. Having already sent you, by different Conveyances, Copies of my Proceedings with the Court of Denmark, relative to the three Prizes delivered up to the English, and requested the Instructions of Congress, I hope soon to receive them. I mention'd a Letter from the Congress to that Court, as what I thought might have a good Effect. I have since had more Reasons to be of that Opinion. The unexpected Delay of Mr. Dean's Arrival has retarded the Settlement of the joint Accounts of the Commission, he having had the chief Management of the commercial Part, and being therefore best able to explain Difficulties. I have just now the Pleasure to hear that the _Fier Rodrique_, with her Convoy from Virginia, arrived at Bordeaux, all safe except one Tobacco Ship, that foundered at Sea, the Men saved; and I have a letter from Mr. Deane that he is at Rochelle, proposes to stop a few Days at Nantes, and then proceed to Paris, when I shall endeavour to see that Business completed with all possible Expedition. Mr. Adams has given Offence to the Court here, by some Sentiments and Expressions contained in several of his Letters written to the Count de Vergennes. I mention this with Reluctance, tho' perhaps it would have been my Duty to acquaint you with such a Circumstance, even were it not required of me by the Minister himself. He has sent me Copies of the Correspondence, desiring I would communicate them to Congress; and I send them herewith. Mr. Adams did not show me his Letters before he sent them. I have, in a former Letter to Mr. Lovell, mentioned some of the Inconveniencies, that attend the having more than one Minister at the same Court; one of which Inconveniencies is, that they do not always hold the same Language, and that the Impressions made by one, and intended for the Service of his Constituents, may be effaced by the Discourse of the other. It is true, that Mr. Adams's proper Business is elsewhere; but, the Time not being come for that Business, and having nothing else here wherewith to employ himself, he seems to have endeavoured to supply what he may suppose my Negociations defective in. He thinks, as he tells me himself, that America has been too free in Expressions of Gratitude to France; for that she is more oblig'd to us than we to her; and that we should show Spirit in our Applications. I apprehend, that he mistakes his Ground, and that this Court is to be treated with Decency and Delicacy. The King, a young and virtuous Prince, has, I am persuaded, a Pleasure in reflecting on the generous Benevolence of the Action in assisting an oppressed People, and proposes it as a Part of the Glory of his Reign. I think it right to encrease this Pleasure by our thankful Acknowledgments, and that such an Expression of Gratitude is not only our Duty, but our Interest. A different Conduct seems to me what is not only improper and unbecoming, but what may be hurtful to us. Mr. Adams, on the other hand, who, at the same time means our Welfare and Interest as much as I, or any man, can do, seems to think a little apparent Stoutness, and greater air of Independence and Boldness in our Demands, will procure us more ample Assistance. It is for Congress to judge and regulate their Affairs accordingly. M. Vergennes, who appears much offended, told me, yesterday, that he would enter into no further Discussions with Mr. Adams, nor answer any more of his Letters. He is gone to Holland to try, as he told me, whether something might not be done to render us less dependent on France. He says, the Ideas of this Court and those of the People in America are so totally different, that it is impossible for any Minister to please both. He ought to know America better than I do, having been there lately, and he may chuse to do what he thinks will best please the People of America. But, when I consider the Expressions of Congress in many of their public Acts, and particularly in their Letter to the Chev. de la Luzerne, of the 24th of May last, I cannot but imagine, that he mistakes the Sentiments of a few for a general Opinion. It is my Intention, while I stay here, to procure what Advantages I can for our Country, by endeavouring to please this Court; and I wish I could prevent any thing being said by any of our Countrymen here, that may have a contrary Effect, and increase an Opinion lately showing itself in Paris, that we seek a Difference, and with a view of reconciling ourselves to England. Some of them have of late been very indiscreet in their Conversations. I received, eight months after their Date, the Instructions of Congress relating to a new Article for guaranteeing the Fisheries. The expected Negociations for a Peace appearing of late more remote, and being too much occupied with other Affairs, I have not hitherto proposed that Article. But I purpose doing it next Week. It appears so reasonable and equitable, that I do not foresee any Difficulty. In my next, I shall give you an Account of what passes on the Occasion. The Silver Medal ordered for the Chev'r de Fleury, has been delivered to his Order here, he being gone to America. The others, for Brigadier-General Wayne and Colonel Stuart, I shall send by the next good Opportunity. The Two Thousand Pounds I furnished to Messrs. Adams and Jay, agreable to an Order of Congress, for themselves and Secretaries, being nearly expended, and no Supplies to them arriving, I have thought it my Duty to furnish them with further Sums, hoping the Supplies promised will soon arrive to reimburse me, and enable me to pay the Bills drawn on Mr. Laurens in Holland, which I have engaged for, to save the public Credit, the Holders of those Bills threatening otherwise to protest them. Messrs. de Neufville of Amsterdam had accepted some of them. I have promised those Gentlemen to provide for the Payment before they become due, and to accept such others as shall be presented to me. I hear, and hope it is true, that the Drawing of such Bills is stopped, and that their Number and Value is not very great. The Bills drawn in favour of M. de Beaumarchais for the Interest of his Debt are paid. The German Prince, who gave me a Proposal some Months since for furnishing Troops to the Congress, has lately desired an Answer. I gave no Expectation, that it was likely you would agree to such a Proposal; but, being pressed to send it you, it went with some of my former Letters. M. Fouquet, who was employ'd by Congress to instruct People in making Gunpowder, is arriv'd here, after a long Passage; he has requested me to transmit a Memorial to Congress, which I do, enclos'd. The great public Event in Europe of this Year is the Proposal, by Russia, of an armed Neutrality for protecting the Liberty of Commerce. The proposition is accepted now by most of the maritime Powers. As it is likely to become the Law of Nations, _that free Ships should make free Goods_, I wish the Congress to consider, whether it may not be proper to give Orders to their Cruizers not to molest Foreign Ships, but conform to the Spirit of that Treaty of Neutrality. The English have been much elated with their Success at Charlestown. The late News of the Junction of the French and Spanish Fleets, has a little abated their Spirits; and I hope that Junction, and the Arrival of the French Troops and Ships in N. America, will soon produce News, that may afford us also in our Turn some Satisfaction. Application has been made to me here, requesting that I would solicit Congress to permit the Exchange of William John Mawhood, a Lieutenant in the 17th Regiment, taken Prisoner at Stony Point, July 15th, 1779, and confin'd near Philadelphia; or, if the exchange cannot conveniently be made, that he may be permitted to return to England on his Parole. By doing this at my Request, the Congress will enable me to oblige several Friends of ours, who are Persons of Merit and Distinction in this country. Be pleased, Sir, to present my Duty to Congress, and believe me to be, with great Respect, &c. P.S. A similar Application has been made to me in favour of Richard Croft, Lieutenant in the 20th Regiment, a Prisoner at Charlottesville. I shall be much obliged by any Kindness shown to that young Gentleman, and so will some Friends of ours in England, who respect his Father. "A NEIGHBOUR MIGHT AS WELL ASK ME TO SELL MY STREET DOOR" _To John Jay_ DEAR SIR, Passy, October 2d, 1780. I received duly and in good order the several letters you have written to me of August 16th, 19th, September 8th, and 22d. The papers that accompanied them of your writing gave me the pleasure of seeing the affairs of our country in such good hands, and the prospect, from your youth, of its having the service of so able a minister for a great number of years. But the little success that has attended your late applications for money mortified me exceedingly; and the storm of bills which I found coming upon us both, has terrified and vexed me to such a degree that I have been deprived of sleep, and so much indisposed by continual anxiety, as to be rendered almost incapable of writing. At length I got over a reluctance that was almost invincible, and made another application to the government here for more money. I drew up and presented a state of debts and newly-expected demands, and requested its aid to extricate me. Judging from your letters that you were not likely to obtain any thing considerable from your court, I put down in my estimate the 25,000 dollars drawn upon you, with the same sum drawn upon me, as what would probably come to me for payment. I have now the pleasure to acquaint you that my memorial was received in the kindest and most friendly manner, and though the court here is not without its embarrassments on account of money, I was told to make myself easy, for that I should be assisted with what was necessary. Mr. Searle arriving about this time, and assuring me there had been a plentiful harvest, and great crops of all kinds; that the Congress had demanded of the several States contributions in produce, which would be cheerfully given; that they would therefore have plenty of provisions to dispose of; and I being much pleased with the generous behaviour just experienced, I presented another paper, proposing, in order to ease the government here, which had been so willing to ease us, that the Congress might furnish their army in America with provisions in part of payment for the services lent us. This proposition, I was told, was well taken; but it being considered that the States having the enemy in their country, and obliged to make great expenses for the present campaign, the furnishing so much provisions as the French army might need, might straiten and be inconvenient to the Congress, his majesty did not at this time think it right to accept the offer. You will not wonder at my loving this good prince: he will win the hearts of all America. If you are not so fortunate in Spain, continue however the even good temper you have hitherto manifested. Spain owes us nothing; therefore, whatever friendship she shows us in lending money or furnishing clothes, &c. though not equal to our wants and wishes, is however _tant de gagne_; those who have begun to assist us, are more likely to continue than to decline, and we are still so much obliged as their aids amount to. But I hope and am confident, that court will be wiser than to take advantage of our distress, and insist on our making sacrifices by an agreement, which the circumstances of such distress would hereafter weaken, and the very proposition can only give disgust at present. Poor as we are, yet as I know we shall be rich, I would rather agree with them to buy at a great price the whole of their right on the Mississippi, than sell a drop of its waters. A neighbour might as well ask me to sell my street door. I wish you could obtain an account of what they have supplied us with already in money and goods. Mr. Grand, informing me that one of the bills drawn on you having been sent from hence to Madrid, was come back unaccepted, I have directed him to pay it; and he has, at my request, undertaken to write to the Marquis D'Yranda, to assist you with money to answer such bills as you are not otherwise enabled to pay, and to draw on him for the amount, which drafts I shall answer here as far as 25,000 dollars. If you expect more, acquaint me. But pray write to Congress as I do, to forbear this practice, which is so extremely hazardous, and may, some time or other, prove very mischievous to their credit and affairs. I have undertaken, too, for all the bills drawn on Mr. Laurens, that have yet appeared. He was to have sailed three days after Mr. Searle, that is, the 18th July. Mr. Searle begins to be in pain for him, having no good opinion of the little vessel he was to embark in. We have letters from America to the 7th August. The spirit of our people was never higher. Vast exertions making preparatory for some important action. Great harmony and affection between the troops of the two nations. The new money in good credit, &c. I will write to you again shortly, and to Mr. Carmichael. I shall now be able to pay up your salaries complete for the year; but as demands unforeseen are continually coming upon me, I still retain the expectations you have given me of being reimbursed out of the first remittances you receive. If you find any inclination to hug me for the good news of this letter, I constitute and appoint Mrs. Jay my attorney, to receive in my behalf your embraces. With great and sincere esteem, I have the honour to be, dear sir, Your most obedient and most humble servant, RELIGIOUS TESTS _To Richard Price_ DEAR SIR, Passy, Oct. 9, 1780. Besides the Pleasure of their Company, I had the great Satisfaction of hearing by your two valuable Friends, and learning from your Letter, that you enjoy a good State of Health. May God continue it, as well for the Good of Mankind as for your Comfort. I thank you much for the second Edition of your excellent Pamphlet. I forwarded that you sent to Mr. Dana, he being in Holland. I wish also to see the Piece you have written (as Mr. Jones tells me) on Toleration. I do not expect that your new Parliament will be either wiser or honester than the last. All Projects to procure an honest one, by Place Bills, &c., appear to me vain and Impracticable. The true Cure, I imagine, is to be found only in rendring all Places unprofitable, and the King too poor to give Bribes and Pensions. Till this is done, which can only be by a Revolution (and I think you have not Virtue enough left to procure one), your Nation will always be plundered, and obliged to pay by Taxes the Plunderers for Plundering and Ruining. Liberty and Virtue therefore join in the call, COME OUT OF HER, MY PEOPLE! I am fully of your Opinion respecting religious Tests; but, tho' the People of Massachusetts have not in their new Constitution kept quite clear of them, yet, if we consider what that People were 100 Years ago, we must allow they have gone great Lengths in Liberality of Sentiment on religious Subjects; and we may hope for greater Degrees of Perfection, when their Constitution, some years hence, shall be revised. If Christian Preachers had continued to teach as Christ and his Apostles did, without Salaries, and as the Quakers now do, I imagine Tests would never have existed; for I think they were invented, not so much to secure Religion itself, as the Emoluments of it. When a Religion is good, I conceive that it will support itself; and, when it cannot support itself, and God does not take care to support, so that its Professors are oblig'd to call for the help of the Civil Power, it is a sign, I apprehend, of its being a bad one. But I shall be out of my Depth, if I wade any deeper in Theology, and I will not trouble you with Politicks, nor with News which are almost as uncertain; but conclude with a heartfelt Wish to embrace you once more, and enjoy your sweet Society in Peace, among our honest, worthy, ingenious Friends at the _London._ Adieu, "I THINK A WORTHIER MAN NEVER LIVED" _To Benjamin Waterhouse_ SIR, Passy, Jan. 18. 1781. I received your obliging Letter of the 16th past, enclosing one from my dear Friend, Dr. Fothergill. I was happy to hear from him, that he was quite free of the Disorder that had like to have remov'd him last summer. But I had soon after a Letter from another Friend, acquainting me, that he was again dangerously ill of the same Malady; and the newspapers have since announced his Death! I condole with you most sincerely on this Occasion. I think a worthier Man never lived. For besides his constant Readiness to serve his Friends, he was always studying and projecting something for the Good of his Country and of Mankind in general, and putting others, who had it in their Power, on executing what was out of his own reach; but whatever was within it he took care to do himself; and his incredible Industry and unwearied Activity enabled him to do much more than can now be ever known, his Modesty being equal to his other Virtues. I shall take care to forward his Letter to Mr. Pemberton. Enclos'd is one I have just received under Cover from that Gentleman. You will take care to convey it by some safe Opportunity to London. With hearty Wishes for your Prosperity and Success in your Profession, and that you may be a good Copy of your deceas'd Relation, I am, Sir, etc., "I SHALL BE READY TO BREAK, RUN AWAY, OR GO TO PRISON WITH YOU" _To John Adams_ SIR, Passy, Feb. 22. 1781 I received the Letter your Excell'y did me honour of writing to me the 15th Inst. respecting Bills, presented to you for Acceptance drawn by Congress in favour of N. Tracey for 10,000 pounds Sterling payable 90 Days Sight; and desiring to know if I can furnish Funds for the Payment. I have lately made a fresh & strong Application for more Money. I have not yet received a positive Answer. I have however two of the Christian Graces, Faith & Hope. But my Faith is only that of which the Apostle Speaks, the Evidence of things not seen. For in Truth I do not see at present how so many Bills drawn at random on our Ministers in France, Spain & Holland, are to be paid. Nor that anything but omnipotent Necessity can excuse the Imprudence of it. Yet I think Bills drawn upon us by the Congress ought at all Risques to be accepted. I shall accordingly use my best Endeavours to procure Money for their honourable Discharge against they become due, if you should not in the meantime be provided; and if those Endeavours fail, I shall be ready to break, run away, or go to prison with you, as it shall please God. Sir G. Grand has returned to me the remainder of the Book of Promisses, sign'd by us, which his House had not an Opportunity of issuing. Perhaps the late Charge of Affairs in that Country may open a way for them. If on consulting him you should be of that Opinion, I will send them to you. -- With great Respect, I have the honour to be Sir, P. S. Late Advices from Congress mention that Col. Laurens is coming over as Envoy extraordinary to this Court & Col. Palfray as Consul General. They may be expected every day. "AS THE INDIANS HAD NO LETTERS, THEY HAD NO ORTHOGRAPHY" _To Court de Gebelin_ DEAR SIR, Passy, May 7, 1781. I am glad the little Book prov'd acceptable. It does not appear to me intended for a Grammar to teach the Language. It is rather what we call in English a _Spelling Book_, in which the only Method observ'd is, to arrange the Words according to their Number of Syllables, placing those of one Syllable together, then those of two Syllables, and so on. And it is to be observ'd, that _Sa ki ma_, for Instance, is not three Words, but one Word of three Syllables; and the reason that _Hyphens_ are not plac'd between the Syllables is, that the Printer had not enough of them. As the Indians had no Letters, they had no Orthography. The Delaware Language being differently spelt from the Virginian may not always arise from a Difference in the Languages; for Strangers who learn the Language of an Indian Nation, finding no Orthography, are at Liberty in writing the Language to use such Compositions of Letters as they think will best produce the Sounds of the Words. I have observ'd, that our Europeans of different Nations, who learn the same Indian Language, form each his own Orthography according to the usual Sounds given to the Letters in his own Language. Thus the same Words of the Mohawk Language written by an English, a French, and a German Interpreter, often differ very much in the Spelling; and, without knowing the usual Powers of the Letters in the Language of the Interpreter, one cannot come at the Pronunciation of the Indian Words. The Spelling Book in question was, I think, written by a German. You mention a Virginian Bible. Is it not the Bible of the Massachusetts Language, translated by Elliot, and printed in New England, about the middle of the last Century? I know this Bible, but have never heard of one in the Virginian Language. Your Observations of the Similitude between many of the Words, and those of the ancient World, are indeed very curious. This Inscription, which you find to be Phenician, is, I think, near _Taunton_ (not _Jannston_, as you write it). There is some Account of it in the old _Philosophical Transactions._ I have never been at the Place, but shall be glad to see your Remarks on it. The Compass appears to have been long known in China, before it was known in Europe; unless we suppose it known to Homer, who makes the Prince, that lent Ships to Ulysses, boast that they had a _spirit_ in them, by whose Directions they could find their way in a cloudy Day, or the darkest Night. If any Phenicians arriv'd in America, I should rather think it was not by the Accident of a Storm, but in the Course of their long and adventurous Voyages; and that they coasted from Denmark and Norway, over to Greenland, and down Southward by Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, &c., to New England; as the Danes themselves certainly did some ages before Columbus. Our new American Society will be happy in the Correspondence you mention, and when it is possible for me, I shall be glad to attend the Meetings of your Society, which I am sure must be very instructive. With great and sincere esteem, I have the honour to be, &c. "I HAVE ACTED IMPRUDENTLY" _To Comte de Vergennes_ SIR, Passy. June 10'th. 1781 I received the letter your Excellency did me the honour of writing to me on the 8'th. Inst. in answer to mine of the 4'th. The state of M'r. Laurens's transaction in Holland, as I understood it, is this. Capt. Gillon represented to him, that he had bought clothing &c. for the troops of South Carolina, to the value of 10,000 pounds sterling, which were actually shipp'd in the _Indienne_; that he now wanted money to get his ship out, and therefore proposed to M'r. Laurens to take those goods of him for the United States. M'r. Laurens agreed to take such as would suit their wants, and to pay for the same by Bills upon me at six months' sight; and proposed to send in her some other articles that could be bought in Holland. His motives were that this fine ship, if she could be got out, would be a safe conveyance; and that she would afterwards be useful to the Congress on our Coasts. He informed me that he had mentioned to your Excellency Capt. Gillon's proposal, and that you seem'd to approve of it. I accordingly consented to his ordering those drafts upon me; but this will not be any great addition to my difficulty, since in the term of 6 months, I can probably receive from Congress the Power which you judge necessary for applying any part of the loan opened in Holland, to the discharge of those Bills. With regard to the drafts made by Congress on M'r. Jay, in expectation of a friendly loan from the Court of Spain, on M'r. Laurens and M'r. Adams in Holland, from assurances given by some People of that Country that a loan might be easily by them obtained there; and large drafts upon myself, exclusive of the Loan Office Interest Bills; these all together occasion an embarrassment, which it is my duty to lay before your Excellency, and to acquaint you with the consequences I apprehend may attend their not being duly discharged. Those Bills were occasioned first by the sums necessary last year to assemble our army and put it in a condition to act vigorously with the King's Sea and Land Forces arrived and expected to arrive from France against New York, and to defend the Southern Colonies. Our main Army was accordingly put into such a condition as to face M'r. Clinton before New York all summer; but the additional forces expected from France not arriving, the project was not pursued, and the advantage hoped for from that exertion and expence was not obtained, tho' the funds of Congress were thereby equally exhausted. A second necessity for drawing those Bills, arose from the delay of five months in the sailing of M'r. de Chaumont's ship, occasioned by the distraction of his affairs, whereby the clothing for the army not arriving in time before winter, the Congress were obliged to purchase the cloths taken by Privateers from the Quebec Fleet; and this could only be done by payment for the same in Bills. All these Bills were drawn by solemn resolutions of Congress; and it seems to me evident, that if no part of the aids lately resolved on by his Majesty can be applied to their discharge, with out an express order from Congress for that purpose, the Public Credit of the United States instead of being "re-animated" as his Majesty graciously intended, will be destroy'd; for the Bills unpaid, must, according to the usual Course be returned under protest, long before such order can be obtained, which protest will by our laws, entitle the Holders to a Damage of 20 p'r cent, whereby the public will incur a net loss of one fifth of the whole sum drawn for; an effect, that will be made use of by their Enemies to discredit their Government among the People, and must weaken their hands much more in that respect, than by the mere loss of so much money. On these considerations, and also from an opinion that a bill already drawn by order of Congress, was as good and clear a declaration of their will with regard to the disposition of so much of any funds they might have at their disposal in Europe, as any future order of theirs could be, I ventured to accept and to promise payment of all the Bills above mention'd. What I have requested of your Excellency in my late letter, and what I now beg leave to repeat, is only that so much of the intended aid may be retained, as shall be necessary to pay those acceptances as they become due. I had not the least apprehension that this could meet with any difficulty; and I hope on reconsideration, your Excellency may still judge, that it will be for the advantage of the common cause if this request is granted. I have already paid most of the Bills drawn on M. Jay, which the Money furnish'd to him by the Court of Spain did not suffice to pay: I have also paid a part of those drawn on M'r Laurens, M'r. Adams and myself: To do this I have been obliged to anticipate our funds, so that, as our Banker informs me, I shall by the end of this month owe him about 400,000 Livres, tho' he has already rec'd from M. D'Harvelay for the quarter of August. I have acted imprudently in making these acceptances and entering into these engagements without first consulting your Excellency and obtaining your explicit approbation; but I acted as I thought for the best; I imagined it a case of absolute necessity, and relying on assistance from the new aids intended us, and considering the fatal consequence of protests, I thought at the time that I acted prudently and safely. The supplies I shall want for the payment of these Bills will be gradual: If I cannot obtain them but by an order from Congress, I must not only stop payment of those not yet become due, but I apprehend that I shall be obliged to refuse acceptance of some of the interest Bills, having disabled myself from paying them, by paying so many others. I therefore beg your Excellency would reconsider this important affair. I am sorry to find myself under a necessity of giving you so much trouble. I wish rather to diminish your cares than to increase them; being with the most perfect Respect, Sir, Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant "THESE SUPERIOR AIRS YOU GIVE YOURSELF, YOUNG GENTLEMAN, OF REPROOF TO ME" _To William Jackson_ SIR, Passy, July 10, 1781. Last Night I received your 4th Letter on the Same Subject. You are anxious to carry the Money with you, because it will reanimate the Credit of America. My Situation and long Acquaintance with affairs relating to the public Credit enables me, I think, to judge better than you can do, who are a Novice in them, what Employment of it will most conduce to that End; and I imagine the retaining it to pay the Congress Drafts has infinitely the Advantage. You repeat that the Ship is detain'd by my Refusal. You forget your having written to me expressly that she waited for Convoy. You remind me of the great Expence the Detention of the Ship occasions. Who has given Orders to stop her? It was not me. I had no Authority to do it. Have you? And do you imagine, if you had taken such Authority upon you, that the Congress ought to bear the Expence occasion'd by your Imprudence? and that the Blame of detaining the necessary Stores the Ship contains will be excus'd by your fond Desire of carrying the Money? The Noise you have rashly made about this Matter, contrary to the Advice of Mr. Adams, which you ask'd and receiv'd, and which was to comply with my Requisition, has already done great Mischief to our Credit in Holland. Messrs. Fizeaux have declar'd they will advance to him no more Money on his Bills upon me to assist in paying the Congress Drafts on him. Your Commodore, too, complains, in a Letter I have seen, that he finds it difficult to get Money for my Acceptances of your Drafts in order to clear his Ship, tho' before this Proceeding of yours Bills on me were, as Mr. Adams assures me, in as good Credit on the Exchange of Amsterdam as those of any Banker in Europe. I suppose the Difficulty mention'd by the Commodore is the true Reason of the ship's Stay, if in fact the Convoy is gone without her. Credit is a delicate thing, capable of being blasted with a Breath. The public Talk you have occasion'd about my Stopping the Money, and the Conjectures of the Reasons or Necessity of doing it, have created Doubts and Suspicions of most pernicious Consequence. It is a Matter that should have pass'd in Silence. You repeat as a Reason for your Conduct, that the Money was obtain'd by the great Exertions of Col. Laurens. Who obtain'd the Grant is of no Importance, tho' the Use I propose to make of it is of the greatest. But the Fact is not as you state it. I obtain'd it before he came. And if he were here I am sure I could convince him of the Necessity of leaving it. Especially after I should have inform'd him that you had made in Holland the enormous Purchase of 40,000 pounds Sterling's worth of Goods over and above the 10,000 pounds worth, which I had agreed should be purchased by him on my Credit, and that you had induc'd me to engage for the Payment of your Purchase by showing me a Paper said to contain his Orders to you for making it, which I then took to be his Handwriting, tho' I afterwards found it to be yours, and not sign'd by him. It would be an additional Reason with him, when I should remind him that he himself, to induce me to come into the Proposal of Commodore Gillon and the rest of the Holland Transaction, to which I was averse, assur'd me that he had mention'd it to the Minister, and that it was approv'd of: That on the contrary I find the Minister remembers nothing of it, very much dislikes it, and absolutely refuses to furnish any Money to discharge that Account. You finish your Letter by telling me that, "the daily Enhancement of Expence to the United States from these Difficulties is worthy the Attention of those whose _Duty_ is to oeconomize the Public Money, and to whom the commonWeal is intrusted without deranging the special Department of another." The Ship's lying there with 5 or 600 Men on board is undoubtedly a great daily Expence, but it is you that occasion it; and these Superior Airs you give yourself, young Gentleman, of Reproof to me, and Reminding me of my Duty do not become you, whose special Department and Employ in public Affairs, of which you are so vain, is but of yesterday, and would never have existed but by my Concurrence, and would have ended in the Disgrace if I had not supported your enormous Purchases by accepting your Drafts. The charging me with want of oeconomy is particularly improper in _you_, when the only Instance you know of it is my having indiscreetly comply'd with your Demand in advancing you 120 Louis for the Expence of your Journey to Paris and when the only Instance I know of your ;oeconomizing Money is your sending me three Expresses, one after another, on the same Day, all the way from Holland to Paris, each with a Letter saying the same thing to the same purpose. This Dispute is as useless as it is unpleasant. It can only create ill Blood. Pray let us end it. I have the honour to be, etc., "ASSISTING WITH AN EQUAL SUM A STRANGER WHO HAS EQUAL NEED OF IT" _To William Nixon_ REV'D SIR, Passy, Sept. 5, 1781. I duly received the Letter you did me the Honour of writing to me the 25th past, together with the valuable little Book, of which you are the Author. There can be no doubt, but that a Gentleman of your Learning and Abilities might make a very useful Member of Society in our new Country, and meet with Encouragement there, either as an Instructor in one of our Universities, or as a Clergyman of the Church of Ireland. But I am not impowered to engage any Person to go over thither, and my Abilities to assist the Distressed are very limited. I suppose you will soon be set at Liberty in England by the Cartel for the Exchange of Prisoners. In the mean time, if Five _Louis-d'ors_ may be of present Service to you, please to draw on me for that Sum, and your Bill shall be paid on Sight. Some time or other you may have an Opportunity of assisting with an equal Sum a stranger who has equal need of it. Do so. By that means you will discharge any Obligation you may suppose yourself under to me. Enjoin him to do the same on Occasion. By pursuing such a Practice, much Good may be done with little money. Let kind Offices go round. Mankind are all of a Family. I have the honour to be, Rev'd Sir, &c. ON FINE PRINTING _To William Strahan_ DEAR SIR, Passy, December 4, 1781. Not remembering precisely the address of Mrs. Strange, I beg leave to request you would forward the Enclosed to her, which I received under my Cover from America. I formerly sent you from Philadelphia part of an Edition of "Tully on Old Age," to be sold in London; and you put the Books, if I remember right, into the Hands of Mr. Becket for that Purpose. Probably he may have some of them still in his Warehouse, as I never had an account of their being sold. I shall be much oblig'd by your procuring and sending me one of them. A strong Emulation exists at present between Paris and Madrid, with regard to beautiful Printing. Here a M. Didot _le jeune_ has a Passion for the Art, and besides having procured the best Types, he has much improv'd the Press. The utmost Care is taken of his Presswork; his Ink is black, and his Paper fine and white. He has executed several charming Editions. But the "Salust" and the "Don Quixote" of Madrid are thought to excel them. Didot however, improves every day, and by his zeal and indefatigable application bids fair to carry the Art to a high Pitch of Perfection. I will send you a Sample of his Work when I have an opportunity. I am glad to hear that you have married your Daughter happily, and that your Prosperity continues. I hope it may never meet with any Interruption having still, tho' at present divided by public Circumstances, a Remembrance of our ancient private Friendship. Please to present my affectionate Respects to Mrs. Strahan, and my Love to your Children. With great Esteem and Regard, I am, dear Sir, Your most humble and most obedient Servant, "NOR A SYLLABLE OF APPROBATION" _To John Adams_ SIR Passy, Dec. 17, 1781 I have received the Packet containing the correspondence relating to the Goods. I suppose that M'r Barclay is there before this time, and the Affair in a way of Accommodation. Young M'r Neufville is here; but I have thought it best not to give him as yet any Hopes of my paying the Bills unless the Goods are delivered. I shall write fully by next Post. This serves chiefly to acquaint you that I will endeavour to pay the Bills that have been presented to you drawn on M'r Laurens. But you terrify me, by acquainting me that there are yet a great number behind. It is hard that I never had any information sent me of the Sums drawn, a Line of Order to pay, nor a Syllable of Approbation for having paid any of the Bills drawn on M'r Laurens, M'r Jay or yourself. As yet I do not see that I can go any further, and therefore can engage for no more than you have mention'd. With great Esteem, I have the honour to be Sir Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble Servant ON THE LIBERTAS MEDAL _To Robert R. Livingston_ SIR, Passy, March 4, 1782. Since I wrote the two short letters, of which I herewith send you copies, I have been honoured with yours, dated the 16th of December. Enclosed I send two letters from Count de Vergennes, relating to certain complaints from Ostend and Copenhagen against our cruisers. I formerly forwarded a similar complaint from Portugal, to which I have yet received no answer. The ambassador of that kingdom frequently teazes me for it. I hope now, that by your means this kind of affairs will be more immediately attended to; ill blood and mischief may be thereby sometimes prevented. The Marquis de Lafayette was at his return hither received by all ranks with all possible distinction. He daily gains in the general esteem and affection, and promises to be a great man here. He is warmly attached to our cause; we are on the most friendly and confidential footing with each other, and he is really very serviceable to me in my applications for additional assistance. I have done what I could in recommending Messieurs Duportail and Gouvion, as you desired. I did it with pleasure, as I have much esteem for them. I will endeavour to procure a sketch of an emblem for the purpose you mention. This puts me in mind of a medal I have had a mind to strike, since the late great event you gave me an account of, representing the United States by the figure of an infant Hercules in his cradle, strangling the two serpents; and France by that of Minerva, sitting by as his nurse, with her spear and helmet, and her robe specked with a few _fleurs de lis._ The extinguishing of two entire armies in one war is what has rarely happened, and it gives a presage of the future force of our growing empire. I thank you much for the newspapers you have been so kind as to send me. I send also to you, by every opportunity, packets of the French, Dutch, and English papers. Enclosed is the last _Courier of Europe_, wherein you will find a late curious debate on continuing the war with America, which the minister carried in the affirmative only by his own vote. It seems the nation is sick of it, but the King is obstinate. _There is a change made of the American Secretary_, and another is talked of in the room of Lord Sandwich. But I suppose we have no reason to desire such changes. If the King will have a war with us, his old servants are as well for us as any he is likely to put in their places. The ministry, you will see, declare, that the war in America is for the future to be only _defensive._ I hope we shall be too prudent to have the least dependence on this declaration. It is only thrown out to lull us; for, depend upon it, the King hates us cordially, and will be content with nothing short of our extirpation. I shall be glad to receive the account you are preparing of the wanton damages done our possessions. I wish you could also furnish me with one, of the barbarities committed on our people. They may both be of excellent use on certain occasions. I received the duplicate of yours in cipher. Hereafter, I wish you would use that in which those instructions were written, that relate to the future peace. I am accustomed to that, and I think it very good and more convenient in the practice. The friendly disposition of this court towards us continues. We have sometimes pressed a little too hard, expecting and demanding, perhaps, more than we ought, and have used improper arguments, which may have occasioned a little dissatisfaction, but it has not been lasting. In my opinion, the surest way to obtain liberal aid from others is vigorously to help ourselves. People fear assisting the negligent, the indolent, and the careless, lest the aids they afford should be lost. I know we have done a great deal; but it is said, we are apt to be supine after a little success, and too backward in furnishing our contingents. This is really a generous nation, fond of glory, and particularly that of protecting the oppressed. Trade is not the admiration of their noblesse, who always govern here. Telling them, their _commerce_ will be advantaged by our success, and that it is their _interest_ to help us, seems as much as to say, "Help us, and we shall not be obliged to you." Such indiscreet and improper language has been sometimes held here by some of our people, and produced no good effects. The constant harmony, subsisting between the armies of the two nations in America, is a circumstance, that has afforded me infinite pleasure. It should be carefully cultivated. I hope nothing will happen to disturb it. The French officers, who have returned to France this winter, speak of our people in the handsomest and kindest manner; and there is a strong desire in many of the young noblemen to go over to fight for us; there is no restraining some of them; and several changes among the officers of their army have lately taken place in consequence. You must be so sensible of the utility of maintaining a perfect good understanding with the Chevalier de la Luzerne, that I need say nothing on that head. The affairs of a distant people in any court of Europe will always be much affected by the representations of the minister of that court residing among them. We have here great quantities of supplies, of all kinds, ready to be sent over, and which would have been on their way before this time, if the unlucky loss of the transports, that were under M. de Guichen, and other demands for more ships, had not created a difficulty to find freight for them. I hope however, that you will receive them with the next convoy. The accounts we have of the economy introduced by Mr. Morris begin to be of service to us here, and will by degrees obviate the inconvenience, that an opinion of our disorders and mismanagements had occasioned. I inform him by this conveyance of the money aids we shall have this year. The sum is not so great as we could wish; and we must so much the more exert ourselves. A small increase of industry in every American, male and female, with a small diminution of luxury, would produce a sum far superior to all we can hope to beg or borrow from all our friends in Europe. There are now near a thousand of our brave fellows prisoners in England, many of whom have patiently endured the hardships of that confinement several years, resisting every temptation to serve our enemies. Will not your late great advantages put it in your power to do something for their relief? The slender supply I have been able to afford, of a shilling a week to each, for their greater comfort during the winter, amounts weekly to fifty pounds sterling. An exchange would make so many of our countrymen happy, add to our strength, and diminish our expense. But our privateers, who cruise in Europe, will not be at the trouble of bringing in their prisoners, and I have none to exchange for them. Generals Cornwallis and Arnold are both arrived in England. It is reported, that the former, in all his conversations, discourages the prosecution of the war in America; if so, he will of course be out of favour. We hear much of audiences given to the latter, and of his being present at councils. You desire to know, whether any intercepted letters of Mr. Deane have been published in Europe? I have seen but one in the English papers, that to Mr. Wadsworth, and none in any of the French and Dutch papers, but some may have been printed that have not fallen in my way. There is no doubt of their being all genuine. His conversation, since his return from America, has, as I have been informed, gone gradually more and more into that style, and at length come to an open vindication of Arnold's conduct; and, within these few days, he has sent me a letter of twenty full pages, recapitulating those letters, and threatening to write and publish an account of the treatment he has received from Congress, &c. He resides at Ghent, is distressed both in mind and circumstances, raves and writes abundance, and I imagine it will end in his going over to join his friend Arnold in England. I had an exceeding good opinion of him when he acted with me, and I believe he was then sincere and hearty in our cause. But he is changed, and his character ruined in his own country and in this, so that I see no other but England to which he can now retire. He says, that we owe him about twelve thousand pounds sterling; and his great complaint is, that we do not settle his accounts and pay him. Mr. Johnston having declined the service, I proposed engaging Mr. Searle to undertake it; but Mr. Deane objected to him, as being his enemy. In my opinion he was, for that reason, even fitter for the service of Mr. Deane; since accounts are of a mathematical nature, and cannot be changed by an enemy, while that enemy's testimony, that he had found them well supported by authentic vouchers, would have weighed more than the same testimony from a friend. With regard to negotiations for a peace, I see but little probability of their being entered upon seriously this year, unless the English minister has failed in raising his funds, which it is said he has secured; so that we must provide for another campaign, in which I hope God will continue to favour us, and humble our cruel and haughty enemies; a circumstance which, whatever Mr. Deane may say to the contrary, will give pleasure to all Europe. This year opens well, by the reduction of Port Mahon, and the garrison prisoners of war, and we are not without hopes, that Gibraltar may soon follow. A few more signal successes in America will do much towards reducing our enemies to reason. Your expressions of good opinion with regard to me, and wishes of my continuance in this employment, are very obliging. As long as the Congress think I can be useful to our affairs, it is my duty to obey their orders; but I should be happy to see them better executed by another, and myself at liberty, enjoying, before I quit the stage of life, some small degree of leisure and tranquillity. With great esteem, &c. "A HAPPY NAME FOR A PRINCE AS OBSTINANT AS A MULE" _To John Adams_ SIR Passy, April 22, 1782 Mess'rs. Fizeaux and Grand have lately sent me two accounts of which they desire my approbation. As they relate to Payments made by those Gentlemen of your Acceptances of Bills of Exchange, your Approbation must be of more importance than mine, you having more certain knowledge of the Affair. I therefore send them enclos'd to you and request you would be pleas'd to compare them with your List of Acceptations, and return them to me with your opinion, as they will be my Justification for advancing the Money. I am very happy to hear of the rapid progress of your affairs. They fear in England that the States will make with us an alliance offensive and defensive, and the public Funds which they had puff'd up four or five per cent by the hope of a Separate Peace with Holland are falling again. They fill their papers continually with lies to raise and fall the Stocks. It is not amiss that they should thus be left to ruin one another, for they have been very -- mischievous to the rest of mankind. I send enclosed a paper, of the Veracity of which I have some doubt, as to the Form, but none as to the Substance, for I believe the Number of People actually scalp'd in this murdering war by the Indians to exceed what is mentioned in invoice, and that Muley Istmael (a happy name for a prince as obstinant as a mule) is full as black a Tyrant as he is represented in Paul Jones' pretended letter. These being _substantial_ Truths the Form is to be considered as Paper and Packthread. If it were republish'd in England it might make them a little asham'd of themselves. I am very respectfully Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble Servant "MEN I FIND TO BE A SORT OF BEINGS VERY BADLY CONSTRUCTED" _To Joseph Priestley_ DEAR SIR, Passy near Paris, June 7, 1782. I received your kind Letter of the 7th of April, also one of the 3d of May. I have always great Pleasure in hearing from you, in learning that you are well, and that you continue your Experiments. I should rejoice much, if I could once more recover the Leisure to search with you into the Works of Nature; I mean the _inanimate_, not the _animate_ or moral part of them, the more I discover'd of the former, the more I admir'd them; the more I know of the latter, the more I am disgusted with them. Men I find to be a Sort of Beings very badly constructed, as they are generally more easily provok'd than reconcil'd, more disposed to do Mischief to each other than to make Reparation, much more easily deceiv'd than undeceiv'd, and having more Pride and even Pleasure in killing than in begetting one another; for without a Blush they assemble in great armies at NoonDay to destroy, and when they have kill'd as many as they can, they exaggerate the Number to augment the fancied Glory; but they creep into Corners, or cover themselves with the Darkness of night, when they mean to beget, as being asham'd of a virtuous Action. A virtuous Action it would be, and a vicious one the killing of them, if the Species were really worth producing or preserving; but of this I begin to doubt. I know you have no such Doubts, because, in your zeal for their welfare, you are taking a great deal of pains to save their Souls. Perhaps as you grow older, you may look upon this as a hopeless Project, or an idle Amusement, repent of having murdered in mephitic air so many honest, harmless mice, and wish that to prevent mischief, you had used Boys and Girls instead of them. In what Light we are viewed by superior Beings, may be gathered from a Piece of late West India News, which possibly has not yet reached you. A young Angel of Distinction being sent down to this world on some Business, for the first time, had an old courier-spirit assigned him as a Guide. They arriv'd over the Seas of Martinico, in the middle of the long Day of obstinate Fight between the Fleets of Rodney and De Grasse. When, thro' the Clouds of smoke, he saw the Fire of the Guns, the Decks covered with mangled Limbs, and Bodies dead or dying; the ships sinking, burning, or blown into the Air; and the Quantity of Pain, Misery, and Destruction, the Crews yet alive were thus with so much Eagerness dealing round to one another; he turn'd angrily to his Guide, and said, "You blundering Blockhead, you are ignorant of your Business; you undertook to conduct me to the Earth, and you have brought me into Hell!" "No, Sir," says the Guide, "I have made no mistake; this is really the Earth, and these are men. Devils never treat one another in this cruel manner; they have more Sense, and more of what Men (vainly) call _Humanity._" But to be serious, my dear old Friend, I love you as much as ever, and I love all the honest Souls that meet at the London Coffee-House. I only wonder how it happen'd, that they and my other Friends in England came to be such good Creatures in the midst of so perverse a Generation. I long to see them and you once more, and I labour for Peace with more Earnestness, that I may again be happy in your sweet society. I show'd your letter to the Duke de Larochefoucault, who thinks with me, the new Experiments you have made are extremely curious; and he has given me thereupon a Note, which I inclose, and I request you would furnish me with the answer desired. Yesterday the Count du Nord was at the Academy of Sciences, when sundry Experiments were exhibited for his Entertainment; among them, one by M. Lavoisier, to show that the strongest Fire we yet know, is made in a Charcoal blown upon with dephlogisticated air. In a Heat so produced, he melted Platina presently, the Fire being much more powerful than that of the strongest burning mirror. Adieu, and believe me ever, yours most affectionately, "BY THE PRESS WE CAN SPEAK TO NATIONS" _To Richard Price_ DEAR SIR, Passy, June 13, 1782. I congratulate you on the late revolution in your public affairs. Much good may arise from it, though possibly not all, that good men and even the new ministers themselves may have wished or expected. The change, however, in the sentiments of the nation, in which I see evident effects of your writings, with those of our deceased friend Mr. Burgh, and others of our valuable Club, should encourage you to proceed. The ancient Roman and Greek orators could only speak to the number of citizens capable of being assembled within the reach of their voice. Their _writings_ had little effect, because the bulk of the people could not read. Now by the press we can speak to nations; and good books and well written pamphlets have great and general influence. The facility, with which the same truths may be repeatedly enforced by placing them daily in different lights in _newspapers_, which are everywhere read, gives a great chance of establishing them. And we now find, that it is not only right to strike while the iron is hot, but that it may be very practicable to heat it by continually striking. I suppose all may now correspond with more freedom, and I shall be glad to hear from you as often as may be convenient to you. Please to present my best respects to our good old friends of the London Coffee-House. I often figure to myself the pleasure I should have in being once more seated among them. With the greatest and most sincere esteem and affection, I am, my dear friend, yours ever, "I AM COVETOUS, AND LOVE GOOD BARGAINS" _To Miss Alexander_ Passy, June 24, 1782. -- I am not at all displeas'd, that the Thesis and Dedication, with which we were threatned, are blown over, for I dislike much all sorts of Mummery. The Republic of Letters has gained no Reputation, whatever else it may have gain'd, by the Commerce of Dedications; I never made one, and I never desir'd, that one should be made to me. When I submitted to receive this, it was from the bad Habit I have long had of doing every thing that Ladies desire me to do; there is no refusing any thing to Madame la Marck, nor to you. I have been to pay my Respects to that amiable lady, not merely because it was a Compliment due to her, but because I love her; which induces me to excuse her not letting me in; the same Reason I should have for excusing your faults, if you had any. I have not seen your Papa since the Receipt of your pleasing Letter, so could arrange nothing with him respecting the Carriage. During seven or eight days, I shall be very busy; after that you shall hear from me, and the Carriage shall be at your Service. How could you think of writing to me about Chimneys and Fires, in such Weather as this! Now is the time for the frugal Lady you mention to save her Wood, obtain _plus de Chaleur_, and lay it up against Winter, as people do Ice against Summer. Frugality is an enriching Virtue; a Virtue I never could acquire in myself; but I was once lucky enough to find it in a Wife, who thereby became a Fortune to me. Do you possess it? If you do, and I were 20 Years younger, I would give your Father 1,000 Guineas for you. I know you would be worth more to me as a _Menagere_, but I am covetous, and love good Bargains. Adieu, my dear Friend, and believe me ever yours most affectionately, "THE MORE I AM CONVINC'D OF A FUTURE STATE" _To James Hutton_ MY OLD AND DEAR FRIEND, Passy, July 7, 1782. A Letter written by you to M. Bertin, _Ministre d'Etat_, containing an Account of the abominable Murders committed by some of the frontier People on the poor Moravian Indians, has given me infinite Pain and Vexation. The Dispensations of Providence in this World puzzle my weak Reason. I cannot comprehend why cruel Men should have been permitted thus to destroy their Fellow Creatures. Some of the Indians may be suppos'd to have committed Sins, but one cannot think the little Children had committed any worthy of Death. Why has a single Man in England, who happens to love Blood and to hate Americans, been permitted to gratify that bad Temper by hiring German Murderers, and joining them with his own, to destroy in a continued Course of bloody Years near 100,000 human Creatures, many of them possessed of useful Talents, Virtues and Abilities to which he has no Pretension! It is he who has furnished the Savages with Hatchets and Scalping Knives, and engages them to fall upon our defenceless Farmers, and murder them with their Wives and Children, paying for their Scalps, of which the account kept in America already amounts, as I have heard, to near _two Thousand_! Perhaps the people of the frontiers, exasperated by the Cruelties of the Indians, have been induced to kill all Indians that fall into their Hands without Distinction; so that even these horrid Murders of our poor Moravians may be laid to his Charge. And yet this Man lives, enjoys all the good Things this World can afford, and is surrounded by Flatterers, who keep even his Conscience quiet by telling him he is the best of Princes! I wonder at this, but I cannot therefore part with the comfortable Belief of a Divine Providence; and the more I see the Impossibility, from the number & extent of his Crimes, of giving equivalent Punishment to a wicked Man in this Life, the more I am convinc'd of a future State, in which all that here appears to be wrong shall be set right, all that is crooked made straight. In this Faith let you & I, my dear Friend, comfort ourselves; it is the only Comfort, in the present dark Scene of Things, that is allow'd us. I shall not fail to write to the Government of America, urging that effectual Care may be taken to protect & save the Remainder of those unhappy People. Since writing the above, I have received a Philadelphia Paper, containing some Account of the same horrid Transaction, a little different, and some Circumstances alledged as Excuses or Palliations, but extreamly weak & insufficient. I send it to you inclos'd. With great and sincere Esteem, I am ever, my dear Friend, yours most affectionately, "TO COOP US UP WITHIN THE ALLEGANY MOUNTAINS" _To Robert R. Livingston_ SIR, Passy, August 12, 1782. I have lately been honoured with your several letters, of March 9th, and May 22d, and 30th. The paper, containing a state of the commerce in North America, and explaining the necessity and utility of convoys for its protection, I have laid before the minister, accompanied by a letter, pressing that it be taken into immediate consideration; and I hope it may be attended with success. The order of Congress, for liquidating the accounts between this court and the United States, was executed before it arrived. All the accounts against us for money lent, and stores, arms, ammunition, clothing, &c., furnished by government, were brought in and examined, and a balance received, which made the debt amount to the even sum of eighteen millions, exclusive of the Holland loan, for which the King is guarantee. I send a copy of the instrument to Mr. Morris. In reading it, you will discover several fresh marks of the King's goodness towards us, amounting to the value of near two millions. These, added to the free gifts before made to us at different times, form an object of at least twelve millions, for which no returns but that of gratitude and friendship are expected. These, I hope, may be everlasting. The constant good understanding between France and the Swiss Cantons, and the steady benevolence of this crown towards them, afford us a well grounded hope that our alliance may be as durable and as happy for both nations; there being strong reasons for our union, and no crossing interests between us. I write fully to Mr. Morris on money affairs, who will doubtless communicate to you my letter, so that I need say the less to you on that subject. The letter to the King was well received; the accounts of your rejoicings on the news of the Dauphin's birth gave pleasure here; as do the firm conduct of Congress in refusing to treat with General Carleton, and the unanimous resolutions of the Assemblies of different States on the same subject. All ranks of this nation appear to be in good humour with us, and our reputation rises throughout Europe. I understand from the Swedish ambassador, that their treaty with us will go on as soon as ours with Holland is finished; our treaty with France, with such improvements as that with Holland may suggest, being intended as the basis. There have been various misunderstandings and mismanagements among the parties concerned in the expedition of the _Bon Homme Richard_, which have occasioned delay in dividing the prize money. M. de Chaumont, who was chosen by the captains of all the vessels in the expedition as their agent, has long been in a state little short of bankruptcy, and some of the delays have possibly been occasioned by the distress of his affairs. He now informs me, that the money is in the hands of the minister of the marine. I shall in a few days present the memorial you propose, with one relating to the prisoners, and will acquaint you with the answer. Mr. Barclay is still in Holland; when he returns he may take into his hands what money can be obtained on that account. I think your observations respecting the Danish complaints through the minister of France perfectly just. I will receive no more of them by that channel, and will give your reasons to justify my refusal. Your approbation of my idea of a medal, to perpetuate the memory of York and Saratoga victories, gives me great pleasure, and encourages me to have it struck. I wish you would acquaint me with what kind of a monument at York the emblems required are to be fixed on; whether an obelisk or a column; its dimensions; whether any part of it is to be marble, and the emblems carved on it, and whether the work is to be executed by the excellent artists in that way which Paris affords; and, if so, to what expense they are to be limited. This puts me in mind of a monument I got made here and sent to America, by order of Congress, five years since. I have heard of its arrival, and nothing more. It was admired here for its elegant antique simplicity of design, and the various beautiful marbles used in its composition. It was intended to be fixed against a wall in the State House of Philadelphia. I know not why it has been so long neglected; it would, methinks, be well to inquire after it, and get it put up somewhere. Directions for fixing it were sent with it. I enclose a print of it. The inscription in the engraving is not on the monument; it was merely the fancy of the engraver. There is a white plate of marble left smooth to receive such inscription as the Congress should think proper. Our countrymen, who have been prisoners in England, are sent home, a few excepted, who were sick, and who will be forwarded as soon as recovered. This eases us of a very considerable charge. I communicated to the Marquis de Lafayette the paragraph of your letter which related to him. He is still here, and, as there seems not so much likelihood of an active campaign in America, he is probably more useful where he is. His departure, however, though delayed, is not absolutely laid aside. The second changes in the ministry of England have occasioned, or have afforded, pretences for various delays in the negotiation for peace. Mr. Grenville had two successive imperfect commissions. He was at length recalled, and Mr. Fitzherbert is now arrived to replace him, with a commission in due form to treat with France, Spain, and Holland. Mr. Oswald, who is here, is informed by a letter from the new Secretary of State, that a commission, empowering him to treat with the Commissioners of Congress, will pass the seals, and be sent him in a few days; till he arrives, this court will not proceed in its own negotiation. I send the _Enabling Act_, as it is called. Mr. Jay will acquaint you with what passes between him and the Spanish ambassador, respecting the proposed treaty with Spain. I will only mention, that my conjecture of that court's design to coop us up within the Allegany Mountains is now manifested. I hope Congress will insist on the Mississippi as the boundary, and the free navigation of the river, from which they could entirely exclude us. An account of a terrible massacre of the Moravian Indians has been put into my hands. I send you the papers, that you may see how the fact is represented in Europe. I hope measures will be taken to secure what is left of those unfortunate people. Mr. Laurens is at Nantes, waiting for a passage with his family to America. His state of health is unfortunately very bad. Perhaps the sea air may recover him, and restore him well to his country. I heartily wish it. He has suffered much by his confinement. Be pleased, Sir, to present my duty to the Congress, and assure them of my most faithful services. With great esteem, I have the honour to be, &c. "TOO HARSH EVEN FOR THE BOYS" _To the Marquis de Lafayette_ DEAR SIR Passy, Sept. 17. 1782. I continue to suffer from this cruel Gout: But in the midst of my Pain the News of Mad'm de la Fayette's safe Delivery, and your Acquisition of a Daughter gives me Pleasure. In naming your Children I think you do well to begin with the most antient State. And as we cannot have too many of so good a Race I hope you & Me. de la Fayette will go thro the Thirteen. But as that may be in the common Way too severe a Task for her delicate Frame, and Children of Seven Months may become as Strong as those of Nine, I consent to the Abridgement of Two Months for each; and I wish her to spend the Twenty-six Months so gained, in perfect Ease, Health & Pleasure. While you are proceeding, I hope our States will some of them new-name themselves. Miss Virginia, Miss Carolina, & Miss Georgiana will sound prettily enough for the Girls; but Massachusetts & Connecticut, are too harsh even for the Boys, unless they were to be Savages. That God may bless you in the Event of this Day as in every other, prays Your affectionate Friend & Servant "HOW SUCH A GLOBE WAS FORMED" _To the Abbe Soulavie_ SIR, Passey, September 22, 1782. I return the papers with some corrections. I did not find coal mines under the Calcareous rock in Derby Shire. I only remarked that at the lowest part of that rocky mountain which was in sight, there were oyster shells mixed in the stone; and part of the high county of Derby being probably as much above the level of the sea, as the coal mines of Whitehaven were below it, seemed a proof that there had been a great bouleversement in the surface of that Island, some part of it having been depressed under the sea, and other parts which had been under it being raised above it. Such changes in the superficial part of the globe seemed to me unlikely to happen if the earth were solid to the centre. I therefore imagined that the internal part might be a fluid more dense, and of greater specific gravity than any of the solids we are acquainted with; which therefore might swim in or upon that fluid. Thus the surface of the globe would be a shell, capable of being broken and disordered by the violent movements of the fluid on which it rested. And as air has been compressed by art so as to be twice as dense as water, in which case if such air and water could be contained in a strong glass vessel, the air would be seen to take the lowest place, and the water to float above and upon it; and as we know not yet the degree of density to which air may be compressed; and M. Amontons calculated, that its density increasing as it approached the centre in the same proportion as above the surface, it would at the depth of ------ leagues be heavier than gold, possibly the dense fluid occupying the internal parts of the globe might be air compressed. And as the force of expansion in dense air when heated is in proportion to its density; this central air might afford another agent to move the surface, as well as be of use in keeping alive the subterraneous fires: Though as you observe, the sudden rarefaction of water coming into contact with those fires, may also be an agent sufficiently strong for that purpose, when acting between the incumbent earth and the fluid on which it rests. If one might indulge imagination in supposing how such a globe was formed, I should conceive, that all the elements in separate particles being originally mixed in confusion and occupying a great space, they would as soon as the almighty fiat ordained gravity or the mutual attraction of certain parts, and the mutual repulsion of other parts to exist, all move towards their common centre: That the air being a fluid whose parts repel each other, though drawn to the common centre by their gravity, would be densest towards the centre, and rarer as more remote; consequently all matters lighter than the central part of that air and immersed in it, would recede from the centre and rise till they arrived at that region of the air which was of the same specific gravity with themselves, where they would rest; while other matter, mixed with the lighter air would descend, and the two meeting would form the shell of the first earth, leaving the upper atmosphere nearly clear. The original movement of the parts towards their common centre, would naturally form a whirl there; which would continue in the turning of the new formed globe upon its axis, and the greatest diameter of the shell would be in its equator. If by any accident afterwards the axis should be changed, the dense internal fluid by altering its form must burst the shell and throw all its substance into the confusion in which we find it. I will not trouble you at present with my fancies concerning the manner of forming the rest of our system. Superior beings smile at our theories, and at our presumption in making them. I will just mention that your observation of the ferruginous nature of the lava which is thrown out from the depths of our valcanos, gave me great pleasure. It has long been a supposition of mine that the iron contained in the substance of this globe, has made it capable of becoming as it is a great magnet. That the fluid of magnetism exists perhaps in all space; so that there is a magnetical North and South of the universe as well as of this globe, and that if it were possible for a man to fly from star to star, he might govern his course by the compass. That it was by the power of this general magnetism this globe became a particular magnet. In soft or hot iron the fluid of magnetism is naturally diffused equally; when within the influence of a magnet, it is drawn to one end of the iron, made denser there, and rarer at the other, while the iron continues soft and hot, it is only a temporary magnet: If it cools or grows hard in that situation, it becomes a permanent one, the magnetic fluid not easily resuming its equilibrium. Perhaps it may be owing to the permanent magnetism of this globe, which it had not at first, that its axis is at present kept parallel to itself, and not liable to the changes it formerly suffered, which occasioned the rupture of its shell, the submersions and emersions of its lands and the confusion of its seasons. The present polar and equatorial diameters differing from each other near ten leagues; it is easy to conceive in case some power should shift the axis gradually, and place it in the present equator, and make the new equator pass through the present poles, what a sinking of the water would happen in the present equatorial regions, and what a rising in the present polar regions; so that vast tracts would be discovered that now are under water, and others covered that now are dry, the water rising and sinking in the different extremes near five leagues. -- Such an operation as this, possibly, occasioned much of Europe, and among the rest, this mountain of Passy, on which I live, and which is composed of lime stone, rock and sea shells, to be abandoned by the sea, and to change its ancient climate, which seems to have been a hot one. The globe being now become a permanent magnet, we are perhaps safe from any future change of its axis. But we are still subject to the accidents on the surface which are occasioned by a wave in the internal ponderous fluid; and such a wave is producible by the sudden violent explosion you mention, happening from the junction of water and fire under the earth, which not only lifts the incumbent earth that is over the explosion, but impressing with the same force the fluid under it, creates a wave that may run a thousand leagues lifting and thereby shaking successively all the countries under which it passes. I know not whether I have expressed myself so clearly, as not to get out of your sight in these reveries. If they occasion any new enquiries and produce a better hypothesis, they will not be quite useless. You see I have given a loose to imagination; but I approve much more your method of philosophizing, which proceeds upon actual observation, makes a collection of facts, and concludes no farther than those facts will warrant. In my present circumstances, that mode of studying the nature of this globe is out of my power, and therefore I have permitted myself to wander a little in the wilds of fancy. With great esteem I have the honour to be, &c. P. S. I have heard that chemists can by their art decompose stone and wood, extracting a considerable quantity of water from the one, and air from the other. It seems natural to conclude from this, that water and air were ingredients in their original composition. For men cannot make new matter of any kind. In the same manner may we not suppose, that when we consume combustibles of all kinds, and produce heat or light, we do not create that heat or light; but only decompose a substance which received it originally as a part of its composition? Heat may thus be considered as originally in a fluid state, but, attracted by organized bodies in their growth, becomes a part of the solid. Besides this, I can conceive that in the first assemblage of the particles of which this earth is composed each brought its portion of the loose heat that had been connected with it, and the whole when pressed together produced the internal fire that still subsists. "A SINGLE INDISCRETION OF OURS" _To Comte de Vergennes_ SIR, Passy, December 17, 1782. I received the letter your Excellency did me the honour of writing to me on the 15th instant. The proposal of having a passport from England was agreed to by me the more willingly, as I at that time had hopes of obtaining some money to send in the _Washington_, and the passport would have made its transportation safer, with that of our despatches, and of yours also, if you had thought fit to make use of the occasion. Your Excellency objected, as I understood it, that the English ministers, by their letters sent in the same ship, might convey inconvenient expectations into America. It was therefore I proposed not to press for the passport till your preliminaries were also agreed to. They have sent the passport without being pressed to do it, and they have sent no letters to go under it, and ours will prevent the inconvenience apprehended. In a subsequent conversation, your Excellency mentioned your intention of sending some of the King's cutters, whence I imagined, that detaining the _Washington_ was no longer necessary; and it was certainly incumbent on us to give Congress as early an account as possible of our proceedings, who will think it extremely strange to hear of them by other means, without a line from us. I acquainted your Excellency, however, with our intention of despatching that ship, supposing you might possibly have something to send by her. Nothing has been agreed in the preliminaries contrary to the interests of France; and no peace is to take place between us and England, till you have concluded yours. Your observation is, however, apparently just, that, in not consulting you before they were signed, we have been guilty of neglecting a point of _bienseance._ But, as this was not from want of respect for the King, whom we all love and honour, we hope it will be excused, and that the great work, which has hitherto been so happily conducted, is so nearly brought to perfection, and is so glorious to his reign, will not be ruined by a single indiscretion of ours. And certainly the whole edifice sinks to the ground immediately, if you refuse on that account to give us any further assistance. We have not yet despatched the ship, and I beg leave to wait upon you on Friday for your answer. It is not possible for any one to be more sensible than I am, of what I and every American owe to the King, for the many and great benefits and favours he has bestowed upon us. All my letters to America are proofs of this; all tending to make the same impressions on the minds of my countrymen, that I felt in my own. And I believe, that no Prince was ever more beloved and respected by his own subjects, than the King is by the people of the United States. _The English, I just now learn, flatter themselves they have already divided us._ I hope this little misunderstanding will therefore be kept a secret, and that they will find themselves totally mistaken. With great and sincere respect, I am, Sir, &c. "ALL WARS ARE FOLLIES" _To Mary Hewson_ Passy, Jan. 27. 1783. -- The Departure of my dearest Friend, which I learn from your last Letter, greatly affects me. To meet with her once more in this Life was one of the principal Motives of my proposing to visit England again, before my Return to America. The last Year carried off my Friends Dr. Pringle, and Dr. Fothergill, Lord Kaims, and Lord le Despencer. This has begun to take away the rest, and strikes the hardest. Thus the Ties I had to that Country, and indeed to the World in general, are loosened one by one, and I shall soon have no Attachment left to make me unwilling to follow. I intended writing when I sent the 11 Books, but I lost the Time in looking for the 12th. I wrote with that; and hope it came to hand. I therein ask'd your Counsel about my coming to England. On Reflection, I think I can, from my Knowledge of your Prudence, foresee what it will be, viz. not to come too soon, lest it should seem braving and insulting some who ought to be respected. I shall, therefore, omit that Journey till I am near going to America, and then just step over to take Leave of my Friends, and spend a few days with you. I purpose bringing Ben with me, and perhaps may leave him under your Care. At length we are in Peace, God be praised, and long, very long, may it continue. All Wars are Follies, very expensive, and very mischievous ones. When will Mankind be convinced of this, and agree to settle their Differences by Arbitration? Were they to do it, even by the Cast of a Dye, it would be better than by Fighting and destroying each other. Spring is coming on, when Travelling will be delightful. Can you not, when your children are all at School, make a little Party, and take a Trip hither? I have now a large House, delightfully situated, in which I could accommodate you and two or three Friends, and I am but half an Hour's Drive from Paris. In looking forward, Twenty-five Years seems a long Period, but, in looking back, how short! Could you imagine, that 'tis now full a Quarter of a Century since we were first acquainted? It was in 1757. During the greatest Part of the Time, I lived in the same House with my dear deceased Friend, your Mother; of course you and I saw and convers'd with each other much and often. It is to all our Honours, that in all that time we never had among us the smallest Misunderstanding. Our Friendship has been all clear Sunshine, without the least Cloud in its Hemisphere. Let me conclude by saying to you, what I have had too frequent Occasions to say to my other remaining old Friends, "The fewer we become, the more let us love one another." Adieu, and believe me ever yours most affectionately, "IN SOME THINGS, ABSOLUTELY OUT OF HIS SENSES" _To Robert R. Livingston_ SIR, Passy, July 22, 1783. You have complain'd, sometimes with reason, of not hearing from your foreign Ministers; we have had cause to make the same Complaint, six full Months having interven'd between the latest date of your preceding Letters and the receipt of those by Captain Barney. During all this time we were ignorant of the Reception of the Provisional Treaty, and the Sentiments of Congress upon it, which, if we had received sooner, might have forwarded the Proceedings on the Definitive Treaty, and, perhaps, brought them to a Conclusion at a time more favourable than the present. But these occasional Interruptions of Correspondence are the inevitable Consequences of a State of War, and of such remote Situations. Barney had a short Passage, and arrived some Days before Colonel Ogden, who also brought Dispatches from you, all of which are come safe to hand. We, the Commissioners, have in our joint Capacity written a Letter to you, which you will receive with this. I shall now answer yours of March 26, May 9, and May 31. It gave me great Pleasure to learn by the first, that the News of the Peace diffused general Satisfaction. I will not now take upon me to justify the apparent Reserve, respecting this Court, at the Signature, which you disapprove. We have touch'd upon it in our general Letter. I do not see, however, that they have much reason to complain of that Transaction. Nothing was stipulated to their Prejudice, and none of the Stipulations were to have Force, but by a subsequent Act of their own. I suppose, indeed, that they have not complain'd of it, or you would have sent us a Copy of the Complaint, that we might have answer'd it. I long since satisfi'd Comte de V. about it here. We did what appear'd to all of us best at the Time, and, if we have done wrong, the Congress will do right, after hearing us, to censure us. Their Nomination of Five Persons to the Service seems to mark, that they had some Dependence on our joint Judgment, since one alone could have made a Treaty by Direction of the French Ministry as well as twenty. I will only add, that, with respect to myself, neither the Letter from M. Marbois, handed us thro' the British Negociators (a suspicious Channel), nor the Conversations respecting the Fishery, the Boundaries, the Royalists, &c., recommending Moderation in our Demands, are of Weight sufficient in my Mind to fix an Opinion, that this Court wish'd to restrain us in obtaining any Degree of Advantage we could prevail on our Enemies to accord; since those Discourses are fairly resolvable, by supposing a very natural Apprehension, that we, relying too much on the Ability of France to continue the War in our favour, and supply us constantly with Money, might insist on more Advantages than the English would be willing to grant, and thereby lose the Opportunity of making Peace, so necessary to all our Friends. I ought not, however, to conceal from you, that one of my Colleagues is of a very different Opinion from me in these Matters. He thinks the French Minister one of the greatest Enemies of our Country, that he would have straitned our Boundaries, to prevent the Growth of our People; contracted our Fishery, to obstruct the Increase of our Seamen; and retained the Royalists among us, to keep us divided; that he privately opposes all our Negociations with foreign Courts, and afforded us, during the War, the Assistance we receiv'd, only to keep it alive, that we might be so much the more weaken'd by it; that to think of Gratitude to France is the greatest of Follies, and that to be influenc'd by it would ruin us. He makes no Secret of his having these Opinions, expresses them publicly, sometimes in presence of the English Ministers, and speaks of hundreds of Instances which he could produce in Proof of them. None of which however, have yet appear'd to me, unless the Conversations and Letter above-mentioned are reckoned such. If I were not convinc'd of the real Inability of this Court to furnish the further Supplys we ask'd, I should suspect these Discourses of a Person in his Station might have influenced the Refusal; but I think they have gone no farther than to occasion a Suspicion, that we have a considerable Party of Antigallicans in America, who are not Tories, and consequently to produce some doubts of the Continuance of our Friendship. As such Doubts may hereafter have a bad Effect, I think we cannot take too much care to remove them; and it is, therefore, I write this, to put you on your guard, (believing it my duty, tho' I know that I hazard by it a mortal Enmity), and to caution you respecting the Insinuations of this Gentleman against this Court, and the Instances he supposes of their ill will to us, which I take to be as imaginary as I know his Fancies to be, that Count de V. and myself are continually plotting against him, and employing the News-Writers of Europe to depreciate his Character, &c. But as Shakespear says, "Trifles light as Air," &c. I am persuaded, however, that he means well for his Country, is always an honest Man, often a wise one, but sometimes, and in some things, absolutely out of his senses. When the Commercial Article, mentioned in yours of the 26th was struck out of our propos'd Preliminaries by the then British Ministry, the reason given was, that sundry Acts of Parliament still in force were against it, and must be first repeal'd, which I believe was really their Intention, and sundry Bills were accordingly bro't in for that purpose; but, new Ministers with different Principles succeeding, a commercial Proclamation totally different from those Bills has lately appeared. I send enclos'd a Copy of it. We shall try what can be done in the Definitive Treaty towards setting aside that Proclamation; but, if it should be persisted in, it will then be a Matter worthy the attentive Discussion of Congress, whether it will be most prudent to retort with a similar Regulation in order to force its Repeal (which may possibly tend to bring on another Quarrel), or to let it pass without notice, and leave it to its own Inconvenience, or rather Impracticability, in the Execution, and to the Complaints of the West India Planters, who must all pay much dearer for our Produce, under those Restrictions. I am not enough Master of the Course of our Commerce to give an Opinion on this particular Question, and it does not behove me to do it; yet I have seen so much Embarrassment and so little Advantage in all the Restraining and Compulsive Systems, that I feel myself strongly inclin'd to believe, that a State, which leaves all her Ports open to all the World upon equal Terms, will, by that means, have foreign Commodities cheaper, sell its own Productions dearer, and be on the whole the most prosperous. I have heard some Merchants say, that there is 10 per cent Difference between _Will you buy?_ and _Will you sell?_ When Foreigners bring us their Goods, they want to part with them speedily, that they may purchase their Cargoes and despatch their Ships, which are at constant Charges in our Ports; we have then the Advantage of their _Will you buy?_ And when they demand our Produce, we have the Advantage of their _Will you sell?_ And the concurring Demands of a Number also contribute to raise our Prices. Thus both those Questions are in our favour at home, against us abroad. The employing, however, of our own Ships and raising a Breed of Seamen among us, tho' it should not be a matter of so much private Profit as some imagine, is nevertheless of political Importance, and must have weight in considering this Subject. The Judgment you make of the Conduct of France in the Peace, and the greater Glory acquired by her Moderation than even by her Arms, appears to me perfectly just. The Character of this Court and Nation seems, of late years, to be considerably changed. The Ideas of Aggrandizement by Conquest are out of fashion, and those of Commerce are more enlightened and more generous than heretofore. We shall soon, I believe, feel something of this in our being admitted to a greater Freedom of Trade with their Islands. The Wise here think France great enough; and its Ambition at present seems to be only that of Justice and Magnanimity towards other Nations, Fidelity and Utility to its Allies. The Ambassador of Portugal was much pleas'd with the Proceedings relating to their Vessel, which you sent me, and assures me they will have a good Effect at his Court. He appears extremely desirous of a Treaty with our States; I have accordingly propos'd to him the Plan of one (nearly the same with that sent me for Sweden), and, after my agreeing to some Alterations, he has sent it to his Court for Approbation. He told me at Versailles, last Tuesday, that he expected its Return to him on Saturday next, and anxiously desired that I would not despatch our Pacquet without it, that Congress might consider it, and, if approv'd, send a Commission to me or some other Minister to sign it. I venture to go thus far in treating, on the Authority only of a kind of general Power, given formerly by a Resolution of Congress to Messrs. Franklin, Deane, and Lee; but a special Commission seems more proper to compleat a Treaty, and more agreable to the usual Forms of such Business. I am in just the same Situation with Denmark; that Court, by its Minister here, has desired a Treaty with us. I have propos'd a Plan formed on that sent me for Sweden; it had been under Consideration some time at Copenhagen, and is expected here this Week, so that I may possibly send that also by this Conveyance. You will have seen by my Letter to the Danish Prime Minister, that I did not forget the Affair of the Prizes. What I then wrote, produc'd a verbal Offer made me here, of 10,000 pounds Sterling, propos'd to be given by his Majesty to the Captors, if I would accept it as a full Discharge of our Demand. I could not do this, I said, because it was not more than a fifth Part of the Estimated Value. In answer, I was told, that the Estimation was probably extravagant, that it would be difficult to come at the Knowledge of their true Value, and that, whatever they might be worth in themselves, they should not be estimated as of such Value to us when at Bergen, since the English probably watched them, and might have retaken them in their Way to America; at least, they were at the common Risques of the Seas and Enemies, and the Insurance was a considerable Drawback; that this Sum might be consider'd as so much sav'd for us by the King's Interference; for that, if the English Claimants had been suffered to carry the Cause into the common Courts, they must have recovered the Prizes by the Laws of Denmark; it was added, that the King's Honour was concern'd, that he sincerely desir'd our Friendship, but he would avoid, by giving this Sum in the Form of a Present to the Captors, the Appearance of its being exacted from him as the Reparation of an Injury, when it was really intended rather as a Proof of his strong Disposition to cultivate a good Understanding with us. I reply'd, that the Value might possibly be exaggerated; but that we did not desire more than should be found just upon Enquiry, and that it was not difficult to learn from London what Sums were insur'd upon the Ships and Cargoes, which would be some Guide; and that a reasonable Abatement might be made for the risque; but that the Congress could not, in justice to their Mariners, deprive them of any Part that was truly due to those brave Men, whatever Abatement they might think fit to make (as a Mark of their Regard for the King's Friendship) of the Part belonging to the publick; that I had, however, no Instructions or Authority to make any Abatement of any kind, and could, therefore, only acquaint Congress with the Offer, and the Reasons that accompanied it, which I promised to state fully and candidly (as I have now done), and attend their Orders; desiring only that it might be observ'd, we had presented our Complaint with Decency, that we had charg'd no Fault on the Danish Government, but what might arise from Inattention or Precipitancy, and that we had intimated no Resentment, but had waited, with Patience and Respect, the King's Determination, confiding, that he would follow the equitable Disposition of his own Breast, by doing us Justice as soon as he could do it with Conveniency; that the best and wisest Princes sometimes erred, that it belong'd to the Condition of Man, and was, therefore, inevitable, and that the true Honour in such Cases consisted, not in disowning or hiding the Error, but in making ample Reparation; that, tho' I could not accept what was offered on the Terms proposed, our Treaty might go on, and its Articles be prepared and considered, and, in the mean time, I hoped his Danish Majesty would reconsider the Offer, and make it more adequate to the Loss we had sustained. Thus that matter rests; but I hourly expect to hear farther, and perhaps may have more to say on it before the Ship's Departure. I shall be glad to have the Proceedings you mention respecting the Brig _Providentia._ I hope the Equity and Justice of our Admiralty Courts respecting the Property of Strangers will always maintain their Reputation; and I wish particularly to cultivate the Disposition of Friendship towards us, apparent in the late Proceedings of Denmark, as the Danish Islands may be of use to our West India Commerce, while the English impolitic Restraints continue. The Elector of Saxony, as I understand from his Minister here, has thoughts of sending one to Congress, and proposing a Treaty of Commerce and Amity with us. Prussia has likewise an Inclination to share in a Trade with America, and the Minister of that Court, tho' he has not directly propos'd a Treaty, has given me a Pacquet of Lists of the several Sorts of Merchandise they can furnish us with, which he requests me to send to America for the Information of our Merchants. I have received no Answer yet from Congress to my Request of being dismiss'd from their Service. They should, methinks, reflect, that if they continue me here, the Faults I may henceforth commit, thro' the Infirmities of Age, will be rather theirs than mine. I am glad my Journal afforded you any Pleasure. I will, as you desire, endeavour to continue it. I thank you for the Pamphlet; it contains a great deal of Information respecting our Finances. We shall, as you advise, avoid publishing it. But I see they are publishing it in the English Papers. I was glad I had a copy authenticated by the Signature of Secr'y Thomson, by which I could assure M. de Vergennes, that the Money Contract I had made with him was ratified by Congress, he having just before express'd some uneasiness to me at its being so long neglected. I find it was ratified soon after it was receiv'd, but the Ratification, except in that Pamphlet, has not yet come to hand. I have done my best to procure the farther Loan directed by the Resolution of Congress. It was not possible. I have written on that Matter to Mr. Morris. I wish the rest of the Estimates of Losses and Mischiefs were come to hand; they would still be of Use. Mr. Barclay has in his Hands the Affair of the _Alliance_ and _Bon Homme Richard._ I will afford him all the Assistance in my Power, but it is a very perplex'd Business. That Expedition, tho' for particular Reasons under American Commissions and Colours, was carry'd on at the King's expence, and under his Orders. M. de Chaumont was the Agent appointed by the Minister of the Marine to make the Outfit. He was also chosen by all the Captains of the Squadron, as appears by an Instrument under their Hands, to be their Agent, receive, sell, and divide Prizes, &c. The Crown bought two of them at public Sale, and the Money, I understand, is lodg'd in the Hands of a responsible Person at L'Orient. M. de Chaumont says he has given in his Accounts to the Marine, and that he has no more to do with the Affair, except to receive a Ballance due to him. That Account, however, is I believe unsettled, and the Absence of some of the Captains is said to make another Difficulty, which retards the Completion of the Business. I never paid or receiv'd any thing relating to that Expedition, nor had any other Concern in it, than barely ordering the _Alliance_ to join the Squadron, at M. de Sartine's Request. I know not whether the other Captains will not claim a Share in what we may obtain from Denmark, tho' the Prizes were made by the _Alliance_, when separate from the Squadron. If so, that is another Difficulty in the way of making Abatement in our Demand, without their Consent. I am sorry to find, that you have Thoughts of quitting the Service. I do not think your Place can be easily well supply'd. You mention, that an entire new Arrangement, with respect to foreign Affairs, is under Consideration. I wish to know whether any Notice is likely to be taken in it of my Grandson. He has now gone through an Apprenticeship of near seven Years in the ministerial Business, and is very capable of serving the States in that Line, as possessing all the Requisites of Knowledge, Zeal, Activity, Language, and Address. He is well lik'd here, and Count de Vergennes has express'd to me in warm Terms his very good Opinion of him. The late Swedish Ambassador, Count de Creutz, who has gone home to be Prime Minister, desir'd I would endeavour to procure his being sent to Sweden, with a public Character, assuring me, that he should be glad to receive him there as our Minister, and that he knew it would be pleasing to the King. The present Swedish Ambassador has also propos'd the same thing to me, as you will see by a Letter of his, which I enclose. One of the Danish Ministers, M. Walterstorff, who will probably be sent in a public Character to Congress, has also express'd his Wish, that my Grandson may be sent to Denmark. But it is not my Custom to solicit Employments for myself, or any of my Family, and I shall not do it in this Case. I only hope, that if he is not to be employ'd in your new Arrangement, I may be inform'd of it as soon as possible, that, while I have Strength left for it, I may accompany him in a Tour to Italy, returning thro' Germany, which I think he may make to more Advantage with me than alone, and which I have long promis'd to afford him, as a Reward for his faithful Service, and his tender filial Attachment to me. _July_ 25. While I was writing the above, M. Walterstorff came in, and deliver'd me a Pacquet from M. de Rosencrone, the Danish Prime Minister, containing the Project of the Treaty with some proposed Alterations, and a Paper of Reasons in support of them. Fearing that we should not have time to copy them, I send herewith the Originals, relying on his Promise to furnish me with Copies in a few Days. He seemed to think, that the Interest of the Merchants is concern'd in the immediate Conclusion of the Treaty, that they may form their Plans of Commerce, and wish'd to know whether I did not think my general Power, above mentioned, sufficient for that purpose. I told him, I thought a particular Commission more agreable to the Forms; but, if his Danish Majesty would be content for the present with the general Authority, formerly given me, I believ'd I might venture to act upon it, reserving, by a separate Article, to Congress a Power of shortning the Term, in Case any Part of the Treaty should not be to their mind, unless the Alteration of such Part should hereafter be agreed on. The Prince de Deux-Ponts was lately at Paris, and apply'd to me for Information respecting a Commerce which is desired between the Electorate of Bavaria and America. I have it also from a good Hand at the Court of Vienna, that the Emperor is desirous of establishing a Commerce with us from Trieste as well as Flanders, and would make a Treaty with us, if propos'd to him. Since our Trade is laid open, and no longer a Monopoly to England, all Europe seems desirous of sharing in it, and for that purpose to cultivate our Friendship. That it may be better known everywhere, what sort of People, and what kind of Government they will have to treat with, I prevailed with a Friend, the Duc de Rochefoucauld, to translate our Book of Constitutions into French, and I presented Copies to all the foreign Ministers. I send you one herewith. They are much admired by the Politicians here, and it is thought will induce considerable Emigrations of substantial People from different Parts of Europe to America. It is particularly a Matter of Wonder, that, in the Midst of a cruel War raging in the Bowels of our Country, our Sages should have the Firmness of Mind to sit down calmly and form such compleat Plans of Government. They add considerably to the Reputation of the United States. I have mentioned above the Port of Trieste, with which we may possibly have a Commerce, and I am told that many useful Productions and Manufactures of Hungary may be had extreamly cheap there. But it becomes necessary first to consider how our Mediterranean Trade is to be protected from the Corsaires of Barbary. You will see by the enclos'd Copy of a Letter I receiv'd from Algiers, the Danger two of our Ships escap'd last Winter. I think it not improbable that those Rovers may be privately encouraged by the English to fall upon us, to prevent our Interference in the Carrying Trade; for I have in London heard it is a Maxim among the Merchants, that, if _there were no Algiers, it would be worth England's while to build one_. I wonder, however, that the rest of Europe do not combine to destroy those Nests, and secure Commerce from their future Piracies. I made the Grand Master of Malta a Present of one of our Medals in Silver, writing him a Letter, of which I enclose a Copy; and I believe our People will be kindly receiv'd in his Ports; but that is not sufficient; and perhaps, now we have Peace, it will be proper to send Ministers, with suitable Presents, to establish a Friendship with the Emperor of Morocco, and the other Barbary States, if possible. Mr. Jay will inform you of some Steps, that have been taken by a Person at Alicant, without Authority, towards a Treaty with that Emperor. I send you herewith a few more of the above-mentioned Medals, which have given great Satisfaction to this Court and Nation. I should be glad to know how they are lik'd with you. Our People, who were Prisoners in England, are now all discharg'd. During the whole War, those who were in Forton prison, near Portsmouth, were much befriended by the constant charitable Care of Mr. Wren, a Presbyterian Minister there, who spared no Pains to assist them in their Sickness and Distress, by procuring and distributing among them the Contributions of good Christians, and prudently dispensing the Allowance I made them, which gave him a great deal of trouble, but he went through it chearfully. I think some public Notice should be taken of this good Man. I wish the Congress would enable me to make him a Present, and that some of our Universities would confer upon him the Degree of Doctor. The Duke of Manchester, who has always been our Friend in the House of Lords, is now here as Ambassador from England. I dine with him to-day, (26th,) and, if any thing of Importance occurs, I will add it in a Postcript. Be pleased to present my dutiful Respects to the Congress, assure them of my most faithful Services, and believe me to be, with great and sincere Esteem, Sir, &c. "THERE NEVER WAS A GOOD WAR, OR A BAD PEACE" _To Sir Joseph Banks_ DEAR SIR, Passy, July 27, 1783. I received your very kind letter by Dr. Blagden, and esteem myself much honoured by your friendly Remembrance. I have been too much and too closely engaged in public Affairs, since his being here, to enjoy all the Benefit of his Conversation you were so good as to intend me. I hope soon to have more Leisure, and to spend a part of it in those Studies, that are much more agreable to me than political Operations. I join with you most cordially in rejoicing at the return of Peace. I hope it will be lasting, and that Mankind will at length, as they call themselves reasonable Creatures, have Reason and Sense enough to settle their Differences without cutting Throats; for, in my opinion, _there never was a good War, or a bad Peace._ What vast additions to the Conveniences and Comforts of Living might Mankind have acquired, if the Money spent in Wars had been employed in Works of public utility! What an extension of Agriculture, even to the Tops of our Mountains: what Rivers rendered navigable, or joined by Canals: what Bridges, Aqueducts, new Roads, and other public Works, Edifices, and Improvements, rendering England a compleat Paradise, might have been obtained by spending those Millions in doing good, which in the last War have been spent in doing Mischief; in bringing Misery into thousands of Families, and destroying the Lives of so many thousands of working people, who might have performed the useful labour! I am pleased with the late astronomical Discoveries made by our Society. Furnished as all Europe now is with Academies of Science, with nice Instruments and the Spirit of Experiment, the progress of human knowledge will be rapid, and discoveries made, of which we have at present no Conception. I begin to be almost sorry I was born so soon, since I cannot have the happiness of knowing what will be known 100 years hence. I wish continued success to the Labours of the Royal Society, and that you may long adorn their chair; being, with the highest esteem, dear Sir, &c. P. S. Dr. Blagden will acquaint you with the experiment of a vast Globe sent up into the Air, much talked of here, and which, if prosecuted, may furnish means of new knowledge. FIRST BALLOON EXPERIMENTS _To Sir Joseph Banks_ SIR, Passy, Aug. 30. 1783. On Wednesday the 27'th Instant, the new aerostatic Experiment, invented by Mess'rs. Mongolfier of Annonay was repeated by M'r. Charles; Professor of Experimental Philosophy at Paris. A hollow Globe 12 feet diameter was formed of what is called in England Oiled Silk, here Taffetas _gommee_, the Silk being impregnated with a Solution of Gumelastic in Lint-seed Oil, as is said. The Parts were sewed together while wet with the Gum, and some of it was afterwards passed over the Seams, to render it as tight as possible. It was afterwards filled with the inflammable Air that is produced by pouring Oil of Vitriol upon Filings of Iron, when it was found to have a Tendency upwards so strong as to be capable of lifting a Weight of 39 Pounds, exclusive of its own weight which was 25 lb, and the Weight of the Air contain'd. It was brought early in the Morning to the _Champ de Mars_, a Field in which Reviews are sometimes made, lying between the Military School and the River. There it was held down by a Cord, till 5 in the Afternoon, when it was to be let loose. Care was taken before the Hour to replace what Portion had been lost of the inflammable Air, or of its Force, by injecting more. It is supposed that not less than 50,000 People were assembled to see the Experiment. The Champ de Mars being surrounded by Multitudes, and vast Numbers on the opposite Side of the River. At 5 o Clock Notice was given to the Spectators by the Firing of two Cannon, that the Cord was about to be cut. And presently the Globe was seen to rise, and that as fast as a Body of 12 feet diameter with a force only of 39 pounds, could be suppos'd to move the resisting Air out of its way. There was some Wind, but not very strong. A little Rain had wet it, so that it shone, and made an agreable Appearance. It diminish'd in Apparent Magnitude as it rose, till it enter'd the Clouds, when it seem'd to me scarce bigger than an Orange, and soon after became invisible, the Clouds concealing it. The Multitude separated, all well satisfied & much delighted with the Success of the Experiment, and amusing one another with Discourses of the various Uses it may possibly be apply'd to, among which many were very extravagant. But possibly it may pave the Way to some Discoveries in Natural Philosophy of which at present we have no Conception. A Note secur'd from the Weather had been affix'd to the Globe, signifying the Time & Place of its Departure, and praying those who might happen to find it, to send an Account of its State to certain Persons at Paris. No News was heard of it till the next Day, when Information was receiv'd, that it fell a little after 6 oClock at Gonesse, a Place about 4 Leagues distance; and that it was rent open, and some say had Ice in it. It is suppos'd to have burst by the Elasticity of the contain'd Air when no longer compress'd by so heavy an Atmosphere. One of 38 feet Diameter is preparing by M. Mongolfier himself at the Expence of the Academy, which is to go up in a few Days. I am told it is constructed of Linen & Paper, and is to be filled with a different Air, not yet made public, but cheaper than that produc'd by the Oil of Vitriol of which 200 Paris Pints were consum'd in filling the other. It is said that for some Days after its being fill'd, the Ball was found to lose an eighth Part of its Force of Levity in 24 Hours: Whether this was from Imperfection in the Tightness of the Ball, or a Change in the Nature of the Air, Experiments may easily discover. I thought it my Duty, Sir, to send an early Account of this extraordinary Fact, to the Society which does me the honour to reckon me among its Members; and I will endeavour to make it more perfect, as I receive farther Information. With great Respect, I am, Sir, P. S. Since writing the above, I am favour'd with your kind Letter of the 25'th. I am much oblig'd to you for the Care you have taken to forward the Transactions, as well as to the Council for so readily ordering them on Application. -- Please to accept and present my Thanks. I just now learn, that some Observers say, the Ball was 150 seconds in rising, from the Cutting of the Cord till hid in the Clouds; that its height was then about 500 Toises, but, mov'd out of the Perpendicular by the Wind, it had made a Slant so as to form a Triangle, whose base on the Earth was about 200 Toises. It is said the Country people who saw it fall were frightened, conceiv'd from its bounding a little when it touch'd the Ground, that there was some living Animal in it, and attack'd it with Stones and Knives, so that it was much mangled; but it is now brought to Town & will be repaired. -- The great one of M. Mongolfier, is to go up as is said, from Versailles, in about 8 or 10 Days. It is not a Globe but of a different form, more convenient for penetrating the Air. It contains 50,000 cubic Feet, and is supposed to have a Force of Levity equal to 1500 pounds weight. A Philosopher here, M. Pilatre de Rozier, has seriously apply'd to the Academy for Leave to go up with it, in order to make some Experiments. He was complimented on his Zeal and Courage for the Promotion of Science, but advis'd to wait till the Management of these Balls was made by Experience more certain & safe. They say the filling of it in M. Mongolfier's Way will not cost more than half a Crown. One is talk'd of to be 110 feet Diameter. Several Gentlemen have ordered small ones to be made for their Amusement; one has ordered four of 15 feet diameter each; I know not with what Purpose; but such is the present Enthusiasm for promoting & improving this Discovery, that probably we shall soon make considerable Progress in the Art of constructing and Using the Machines. -- Among the Pleasantries Conversation produces on this Subject, some suppose Flying to be now invented, and that since Men may be supported in the Air, nothing is wanted but some light handy Instruments to give and direct Motion. Some think Progressive Motion on the Earth may be advanc'd by it, and that a Running Footman or a Horse slung & suspended under such a Globe so as to leave no more of Weight pressing the Earth with their Feet, than perhaps 8 or 10 Pounds, might with a fair Wind run in a straight Line across Countries as fast as that Wind, and over Hedges, Ditches, & even Waters. It has been even fancied that in time People will keep such Globes anchored in the Air, to which by Pullies they may draw up Game to be preserved in the Cool, & Water to be frozen when Ice is wanted. And that to get Money, it will be contrived to give People an extensive view of the Country, by running them upon an Elbow Chair a Mile high for a Guinea, &c. &c. A Pamphlet is printing in which we are to have a full and perfect Account of the Experiments hitherto made, & I will send it to you. M. Mongolfier's Air to fill the Globe has hitherto been kept secret. Some suppose it to be only common Air heated by passing thro' the Flame of burning Straw, & thereby extreamly rarified. If so its Levity will soon be diminished by Condensation when it comes into the cooler Regions above. Sept. 2d. -- I add this paper just now given me, B. F. The print contains a view of Champ de Mars, and the ball in the air with this subscription: Experience de la machine aerostatique de M'essrs. de Montgolfier, d'Anonai en Vivarais, reepetee a Paris le 27 Aout. 1783 au Champ de Mars, avec un ballon de taffetas enduit de gomme elastique, de 36 pieds 6 onces de circonference. Le ballon plein d'air inflammable a ete execute par Mons. Robert, en vertu d'une souscription nationale, sous la direction de Mr. Faujas de Saint Fond (et M. Charles). N. B. -- M. Charles' name is wrote with pen, not engraved. Calculas du Ballon do 12 pieds de diametre enleve le Mercredy 27 Aout 1783. Circonference du grand cercle. . . . 37 pieds Diametre . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 __ 74 37 ___ Surface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 444 Tiers du rayon . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Solidite . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 888 pieds cubes Air atm. a 12 gros le pied . . . . . 12 ____ 1776 888 ____ Pesanteur de l'air atm. . . . . . 10,656 gros 26 { 8 /16 { ____ ounces ___ 25,{ 1332 /83 lb., 4 ounces 6 52 L'air atmospherique dont le ballon occupait la place, pesant 83 lb. 4 onces et sa force pour s'elever etant de 40 lb. il falloit que son enveloppe et l'air inflammable qu'elle contenoit ne pesassent que 42 lb. 4 onces. L'enveloppe en pesoit 25, reste pour l'air inflammable 18 lb. 4 onces. En supposant le ballon de 6 pieds de diametre, son volume etant le 8me, du ier le poids de l'air dont il occupoit la place seroit le 8me, de 83 lb., 4 onces = 10 lb., 6 onces, 4 gros. L'air inflammable 1/8 de 18 lb., 4 onces = 2 lb., 4 onces, 4 gros. L'enveloppe 1/4 de 25 lb., = 6 lb., 4 onces. Les dernieres valeurs reunies sont 8 lb., 8 onces, 4 gros, qui otes de 10 lb., 6 onces, 4 gros pesanteur de l'air atmospherique dont le ballon occupoit la place, laisse pour sa force d'elevation 1 lb., 14 onces. "FALLS LITTLE SHORT OF TREASON" _To John Jay_ SIR, Passy, September 10, 1783. I have received a letter from a very respectable person in America, containing the following words, viz. "It is confidently reported, propagated, and believed by some among us, that the Court of France was at the bottom against our obtaining the fishery and territory in that great extent, in which both are secured to us by the treaty; that our Minister at that Court favored, or did not oppose this design against us; and that it was entirely owing to the firmness, sagacity, and disinterestedness of Mr Adams, with whom Mr Jay united, that we have obtained these important advantages." It is not my purpose to dispute any share of the honor of that treaty, which the friends of my colleagues may be disposed to give them, but having now spent fifty years of my life in public offices and trusts, and having still one ambition left, that of carrying the character of fidelity at least to the grave with me, I cannot allow that I was behind any of them in zeal and faithfulness. I therefore think, that I ought not to suffer an accusation, which falls little short of treason to my country, to pass without notice, when the means of effectual vindication are at hand. You, Sir, were a witness of my conduct in that affair. To you and my other colleagues I appeal, by sending to each a similar letter with this, and I have no doubt of your readiness to do a brother Commissioner justice, by certificates, that will entirely destroy the effect of that accusation. I have the honor to be, with much esteem, &c. "ALL PROPERTY . . . SEEMS TO ME TO BE THE CREATURE OF PUBLIC CONVENTION" _To Robert Morris_ SIR, Passy, Dec. 25, 1783. I have received your Favour of the 30'th of September, for which I thank you. My Apprehension, that the Union between France and our States might be diminished by Accounts from hence, was occasioned by the extravagant and violent Language held here by a Public Person, in public Company, which had that Tendency; and it was natural for me to think his Letters might hold the same Language, in which I was right; for I have since had Letters from Boston informing me of it. Luckily here, and I hope there, it is imputed to the true Cause, a Disorder in the Brain, which, tho' not constant, has its Fits too frequent. I will not fill my Letter with an Account of those Discourses. Mr. Laurens, when you see him, can give it to you; I mean such as he heard in Company with other Persons, for I would not have him relate private Conversations. They distress'd me much at the time, being then at your earnest Instances soliciting for more aids of Money; the Success of which Solicitation such ungrateful and provoking Language might, I feared, have had a Tendency to prevent. Enough of this at present. I have been exceedingly hurt and afflicted by the Difficulty some of your late Bills met with in Holland. As soon as I receiv'd the Letter from Messrs. Willinck & Co., which I inclose, I sent for Mr. Grand, who brought me a Sketch of his Account with you, by which it appear'd that the Demands upon us, existing and expected, would more than absorb the Funds in his Hands. We could not indulge the smallest Hope of obtaining further Assistance here, the Public Finances being in a state of Embarrassment, private Persons full of Distrust occasioned by the late Stoppage of Payment at the _Caisse d'Escompte_, and money in general extreamly scarce. But he agreed to do what I propos'd, lend his Credit in the Way of Drawing and Redrawing between Holland and Paris, to gain Time till you could furnish Funds to reimburse Messrs. Willenck & Co. I believe he made this Proposition to them by the Return of the Express. I know not why it was not accepted. Mr. Grand, I suppose, will himself give you an Account of all the Transaction, and of his Application to Messrs. Couteulx & Co.; therefore, I need not add more upon this disagreable Subject. I have found Difficulties in settling the Account of Salaries with the other Ministers, that have made it impracticable for me to do it. I have, therefore, after keeping the Bills that were to have been proportioned among us long in my hands, given them up to Mr. Grand, who, finding the same Difficulties, will, I suppose, return them to you. None has come to hand for the two or three last Quarters, and we are indebted to his Kindness for advancing us Money, or we must have run in Debt for our Subsistence. He risques in doing this, since he has not for it your Orders. There arise frequently contingent Expences, for which no provision has yet been made. In a former letter to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, I gave a List of them, and desired to know the Pleasure of Congress concerning them. I have only had for Answer, that they were under Consideration, and that he believed House-Rent would not be allowed; but I am still in Uncertainty as to that and the Rest. I wish some resolutions were taken on this Point of Contingencies, that I may know how to settle my Accounts with Mr. Barclay. American Ministers in Europe are too remote from their Constituents to consult them, and take their Orders on every Occasion, as the Ministers here of European Courts can easily do. There seems, therefore, a Necessity of allowing more to their Discretion, and of giving them a Credit to a certain Amount on some Banker, who may answer their Orders; for which, however, they should be accountable. I mention this for the sake of other Ministers, hoping and expecting soon to be discharg'd myself, and also for the Good of the Service. The Remissness of our People in Paying Taxes is highly blameable; the Unwillingness to pay them is still more so. I see, in some Resolutions of Town Meetings, a Remonstrance against giving Congress a Power to take, as they call it, the People's Money out of their Pockets, tho' only to pay the Interest and Principal of Debts duly contracted. They seem to mistake the Point. Money, justly due from the People, is their Creditors' Money, and no longer the Money of the People, who, if they withold it, should be compell'd to pay by some Law. All Property, indeed, except the Savage's temporary Cabin, his Bow, his Matchcoat, and other little Acquisitions, absolutely necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to be the Creature of public Convention. Hence the Public has the Right of Regulating Descents, and all other Conveyances of Property, and even of limiting the Quantity and the Uses of it. All the Property that is necessary to a Man, for the Conservation of the Individual and the Propagation of the Species, is his natural Right, which none can justly deprive him of: But all Property superfluous to such purposes is the Property of the Publick, who, by their Laws, have created it, and who may therefore by other Laws dispose of it, whenever the Welfare of the Publick shall demand such Disposition. He that does not like civil Society on these Terms, let him retire and live among Savages. He can have no right to the benefits of Society, who will not pay his Club towards the Support of it. The Marquis de la F., who loves to be employ'd in our Affairs, and is often very useful, has lately had several Conversations with the Ministers and Persons concern'd in forming new Regulations, respecting the Commerce between our two Countries, which are not yet concluded. I therefore thought it well to communicate to him a Copy of your Letter, which contains so many sensible and just Observations on that Subject. He will make a proper Use of them, and perhaps they may have more Weight, as appearing to come from a Frenchman, than they would have if it were known that they were the Observations of an American. I perfectly agree with you in all the Sentiments you have express'd on this Occasion. You have made no Answer to the Proposition I sent of furnishing Tobacco to the Farmers General. They have since made a Contract with Mess'rs Alexander & Williams for the same Purpose but it is such a one as does not prevent their making another with you if hereafter it should suit you. I am sorry for the Publick's sake, that you are about to quit your Office, but on personal Considerations I shall congratulate you; for I cannot conceive of a more happy Man, than he, who having been long loaded with public Cares, finds himself reliev'd from them, and enjoying private repose in the Bosom of his Friends and Family. The Government here has set on foot a new Loan of an Hundred Millions. I enclose the Plan. It is thought very advantageous for the Lenders. You may judge by that how much the Money is wanted, and how seasonable the Peace was for all concerned. If Mr. Alexander, who is gone to Virginia, should happen to come to Philadelphia, I beg leave to recommend him to your Civilities as an old Friend of mine whom I very much esteem. With sincere Regard & Attachment, I am ever, Dear Sir, Your most etc. "A GOOD PEOPLE TO LIVE AMONG" _To ------- _ Your Queries concerning the Value of Land in different Circumstances & Situations, Modes of Settlement, &c. &c. are quite out of my Power to answer; having while I lived in America been always an Inhabitant of Capital Cities, and not in the way of learning any thing correctly of Country Affairs. There is a Book lately published in London, written by Mr. Hector St. John, its Title, Letters from an American Farmer, which contains a good deal of Information on those Subjects; and as I know the Author to be an observing intelligent Man, I suppose the Information to be good as far as it goes, and I recommend the Book to your perusal. There is no doubt but great Tracts may be purchased on the Frontiers of Virginia, & the Carolinas, at moderate Rates. In Virginia it used to be at 5 pounds Sterling the 100 Acres. I know not the present Price, but do not see why it should be higher. Emigrants arriving pay no Fine or Premium for being admitted to all the Privileges of Citizens. Those are acquired by two Years Residence. No Rewards are given to encourage new Settlers to come among us, whatever degree of Property they may bring with them, nor any Exemptions from common Duties. Our Country offers to Strangers nothing but a good Climate, fertile Soil, wholesome Air, Free Governments, wise Laws, Liberty, a good People to live among, and a hearty Welcome. Those Europeans who have these or greater Advantages at home, would do well to stay where they are. January, 1784? "THE TURK'Y IS IN COMPARISON A MUCH MORE RESPECTABLE BIRD" _To Sarah Bache_ MY DEAR CHILD, Passy, Jan. 26, 1784. Your Care in sending me the Newspapers is very agreable to me. I received by Capt. Barney those relating to the _Cincinnati._ My Opinion of the Institution cannot be of much Importance; I only wonder that, when the united Wisdom of our Nation had, in the Articles of Confederation, manifested their Dislike of establishing Ranks of Nobility, by Authority either of the Congress or of any particular State, a Number of private Persons should think proper to distinguish themselves and their Posterity, from their fellow Citizens, and form an Order of _hereditary Knights_, in direct Opposition to the solemnly declared Sense of their Country! I imagine it must be likewise contrary to the Good Sense of most of those drawn into it by the Persuasion of its Projectors, who have been too much struck with the Ribbands and Crosses they have seen among them hanging to the Buttonholes of Foreign Officers. And I suppose those, who disapprove of it, have not hitherto given it much Opposition, from a Principle somewhat like that of your good Mother, relating to punctilious Persons, who are always exacting little Observances of Respect; that, _"if People can be pleased with small Matters, it is a pity but they should have them."_ In this View, perhaps, I should not myself, if my Advice had been ask'd, have objected to their wearing their Ribband and Badge according to their Fancy, tho' I certainly should to the entailing it as an Honour on their Posterity. For Honour, worthily obtain'd (as for Example that of our Officers), is in its Nature a _personal_ Thing, and incommunicable to any but those who had some Share in obtaining it. Thus among the Chinese, the most ancient, and from long Experience the wisest of Nations, honour does not _descend_, but _ascends_. If a man from his Learning, his Wisdom, or his Valour, is promoted by the Emperor to the Rank of Mandarin, his Parents are immediately entitled to all the same Ceremonies of Respect from the People, that are establish'd as due to the Mandarin himself; on the supposition that it must have been owing to the Education, Instruction, and good Example afforded him by his Parents, that he was rendered capable of serving the Publick. This _ascending_ Honour is therefore useful to the State, as it encourages Parents to give their Children a good and virtuous Education. But the _descending Honour_, to Posterity who could have no Share in obtaining it, is not only groundless and absurd, but often hurtful to that Posterity, since it is apt to make them proud, disdaining to be employ'd in useful Arts, and thence falling into Poverty, and all the Meannesses, Servility, and Wretchedness attending it; which is the present case with much of what is called the _Noblesse_ in Europe. Or if, to keep up the Dignity of the Family, Estates are entailed entire on the Eldest male heir, another Pest to Industry and Improvement of the Country is introduc'd, which will be followed by all the odious mixture of pride and Beggary, and idleness, that have half depopulated and _decultivated_ Spain; occasioning continual Extinction of Families by the Discouragements of Marriage and neglect in the improvement of estates. I wish, therefore, that the Cincinnati, if they must go on with their Project, would direct the Badges of their Order to be worn by the Parents, instead of handing them down to their Children. It would be a good Precedent, and might have good Effects. It would also be a kind of Obedience to the Fourth Commandment, in which God enjoins us to _honour_ our Father and Mother, but has nowhere directed us to honour our Children. And certainly no mode of honouring those immediate Authors of our Being can be more effectual, than that of doing praiseworthy Actions, which reflect Honour on those who gave us our Education; or more becoming, than that of manifesting, by some public Expression or Token, that it is to their Instruction and Example we ascribe the Merit of those Actions. But the Absurdity of _descending Honours_ is not a mere Matter of philosophical Opinion; it is capable of mathematical Demonstration. A Man's Son, for instance, is but half of his Family, the other half belonging to the Family of his Wife. His Son, too, marrying into another Family, his Share in the Grandson is but a fourth; in the Great Grandson, by the same Process, it is but an Eighth; in the next Generation a Sixteenth; the next a Thirty-second; the next a Sixty-fourth; the next an Hundred and twenty-eighth; the next a Two hundred and Fifty-sixth; and the next a Five hundred and twelfth; thus in nine Generations, which will not require more than 300 years (no very great Antiquity for a Family), our present Chevalier of the Order of Cincinnatus's Share in the then existing Knight, will be but a 512th part; which, allowing the present certain Fidelity of American Wives to be insur'd down through all those Nine Generations, is so small a Consideration, that methinks no reasonable Man would hazard for the sake of it the disagreable Consequences of the Jealousy, Envy, and Ill will of his Countrymen. Let us go back with our Calculation from this young Noble, the 512th part of the present Knight, thro' his nine Generations, till we return to the year of the Institution. He must have had a Father and Mother, they are two. Each of them had a father and Mother, they are four. Those of the next preceding Generation will be eight, the next Sixteen, the next thirty-two, the next sixty-four, the next one hundred and Twenty-eight, the next Two hundred and fifty-six, and the ninth in this Retrocession Five hundred and twelve, who must be now existing, and all contribute their Proportion of this future _Chevalier de Cincinnatus._ These, with the rest, make together as follows: 2 4 8 16 32 64 128 256 512 ____ Total 1022 One Thousand and Twenty-two Men and Women, contributors to the formation of one Knight. And, if we are to have a Thousand of these future knights, there must be now and hereafter existing One million and Twenty-two Thousand Fathers and Mothers, who are to contribute to their Production, unless a Part of the Number are employ'd in making more Knights than One. Let us strike off then the 22,000, on the Supposition of this double Employ, and then consider whether, after a reasonable Estimation of the Number of Rogues, and Fools, and Royalists and Scoundrels and Prostitutes, that are mix'd with, and help to make up necessarily their Million of Predecessors, Posterity will have much reason to boast of the noble Blood of the then existing Set of Chevaliers de Cincinnatus. The future genealogists, too, of these Chevaliers, in proving the lineal descent of their honour through so many generations (even supposing honour capable in its nature of descending), will only prove the small share of this honour, which can be justly claimed by any one of them; since the above simple process in arithmetic makes it quite plain and clear that, in proportion as the antiquity of the family shall augment, the right to the honour of the ancestor will diminish; and a few generations more would reduce it to something so small as to be very near an absolute nullity. I hope, therefore, that the Order will drop this part of their project, and content themselves, as the Knights of the Garter, Bath, Thistle, St. Louis, and other Orders of Europe do, with a Life Enjoyment of their little Badge and Ribband, and let the Distinction die with those who have merited it. This I imagine will give no offence. For my own part, I shall think it a Convenience, when I go into a Company where there may be Faces unknown to me, if I discover, by this Badge, the Persons who merit some particular Expression of my Respect; and it will save modest Virtue the Trouble of calling for our Regard, by awkward roundabout Intimations of having been heretofore employ'd in the Continental Service. The Gentleman, who made the Voyage to France to provide the Ribands and Medals, has executed his Commission. To me they seem tolerably done; but all such Things are criticis'd. Some find Fault with the Latin, as wanting classic d Correctness; and, since our Nine Universities were not able to furnish better Latin, it was pity, they say, that the Mottos had not been in English. Others object to the Title, as not properly assumable by any but Gen. Washington, and a few others who serv'd without Pay. Others object to the _Bald Eagle_ as looking too much like a _Dindon_, or Turkey. For my own part, I wish the Bald Eagle had not been chosen as the Representative of our Country; he is a Bird of bad moral Character; he does not get his living honestly; you may have seen him perch'd on some dead Tree, near the River where, too lazy to fish for himself, he watches the Labour of the Fishing-Hawk; and, when that diligent Bird has at length taken a Fish, and is bearing it to his Nest for the support of his Mate and young ones, the Bald Eagle pursues him, and takes it from him. With all this Injustice he is never in good Case; but, like those among Men who live by Sharping and Robbing, he is generally poor, and often very lousy. Besides, he is a rank Coward; the little _KingBird_, not bigger than a Sparrow, attacks him boldly and drives him out of the District. He is therefore by no means a proper emblem for the brave and honest Cincinnati of America, who have driven all the _Kingbirds_ from our Country; though exactly fit for that Order of Knights, which the French call _Chevaliers d'Industrie._ I am, on this account, not displeas'd that the Figure is not known as a Bald Eagle, but looks more like a Turk'y. For in Truth, the Turk'y is in comparison a much more respectable Bird, and withal a true original Native of America. Eagles have been found in all Countries, but the Turk'y was peculiar to ours; the first of the Species seen in Europe being brought to France by the Jesuits from Canada, and serv'd up at the Wedding Table of Charles the Ninth. He is, though a little vain and silly, it is true, but not the worse emblem for that, a Bird of Courage, and would not hesitate to attack a Grenadier of the British Guards, who should presume to invade his FarmYard with a _red_ Coat on. I shall not enter into the Criticisms made upon their Latin. The gallant officers of America may not have the merit of being great scholars, but they undoubtedly merit much, as brave soldiers, from their Country, which should therefore not leave them merely to _Fame_ for their _"Virtutis Premium,"_ which is one of their Latin Mottos. Their _"Esto perpetua,"_ another, is an excellent Wish, if they meant it for their Country; bad, if intended for their Order. The States should not only restore to them the _Omnia_ of their first Motto, which many of them have left and lost, but pay them justly, and reward them generously. They should not be suffered to remain, with all their new-created Chivalry, _entirely_ in the Situation of the Gentleman in the Story, which their _omnia reliquit_ reminds me of. You know every thing makes me recollect some Story. He had built a very fine House, and thereby much impair'd his Fortune. He had a Pride, however, in showing it to his Acquaintance. One of them, after viewing it all, remark'd a Motto over the Door, "OIA VANITAS." "What," says he, "is the Meaning of this OIA? it is a word I don't understand." "I will tell you," said the Gentleman; "I had a mind to have the Motto cut on a Piece of smooth Marble, but there was not room for it between the Ornaments, to be put in Characters large enough to be read. I therefore made use of a Contraction antiently very common in Latin Manuscripts, by which the _m_'s and _n_'s in Words are omitted, and the Omission noted by a little Dash above, which you may see there; so that the Word is _omnia_, OMNIA VANITAS." "O," says his Friend, "I now comprehend the Meaning of your motto, it relates to your Edifice; and signifies, that, if you have abridged your _Omnia_, you have, nevertheless, left your VANITAS legible at full length." I am, as ever, your affectionate father, "MY ADVICE `SMELLS OF MADEIRA'" _To William Strahan_ DEAR SIR, Passy, Feb. 16, 1784. I receiv'd and read with Pleasure your kind Letter of the first Inst, as it inform'd me of the Welfare of you and yours. I am glad the Accounts you have from your Kinswoman at Philadelphia are agreable, and I shall be happy if any Recommendations from me can be serviceable to Dr. Ross, or any other friend of yours, going to America. Your arguments, persuading me to come once more to England, are very powerful. To be sure, I long to see again my Friends there, whom I love abundantly; but there are difficulties and Objections of several kinds, which at present I do not see how to get over. I lament with you the political Disorders England at present labours under. Your Papers are full of strange Accounts of Anarchy and Confusion in America, of which we know nothing, while your own Affairs are really in a Situation deplorable. In my humble Opinion, the Root of the Evil lies not so much in too long, or too unequally chosen Parliaments, as in the enormous Salaries, Emoluments, and Patronage of your great Offices; and that you will never be at rest till they are all abolish'd, and every place of Honour made at the same time, instead of a Place of Profit, a place of Expence and burthen. Ambition and avarice are each of them strong Passions, and when they are united in the same Persons, and have the same Objects in view for their Gratification, they are too strong for Public Spirit and Love of Country, and are apt to produce the most violent Factions and Contentions. They should therefore be separated, and made to act one against the other. Those Places, to speak in our old stile (Brother Type), may be for the good of the _Chapel_, but they are bad for the Master, as they create constant Quarrels that hinder the Business. For example, here are near two Months that your Government has been employed in _getting its form to press_; which is not yet fit to _work on_, every Page of it being _squabbled_, and the whole ready to fall into _pye._ The Founts too must be very scanty, or strangely _out of sorts_, since your _Compositors_ cannot find either _upper_ or _lower case Letters_ sufficient to set the word ADMINISTRATION, but are forc'd to be continually _turning for them._ However, to return to common (tho' perhaps too saucy) Language, don't despair; you have still one resource left, and that not a bad one, since it may reunite the Empire. We have some Remains of Affection for you, and shall always be ready to receive and take care of you in Case of Distress. So if you have not Sense and Virtue enough to govern yourselves, e'en dissolve your present old crazy Constitution, and _send members to Congress._ You will say my _Advice_ "smells of _Madeira._" You are right. This foolish Letter is mere chitchat _between ourselves_ over the _second bottle._ If, therefore, you show it to anybody, (except our indulgent Friends, Dagge and Lady Strahan) I will positively _Solless_ you. Yours ever most affectionately, METHODS OF TREATING DISEASES _To La Sabliere de la Condamine_ SIR, Passy, March 19, 1784 I receiv'd the very obliging Letter you did me honour of writing to me the 8'th Inst. with the epigram &c. for which please to accept my Thanks. You desire my Sentiments concerning the Cures perform'd by Comus & Mesmer. I think that in general, Maladies caus'd by Obstructions may be treated by Electricity with Advantage. As to the Animal Magnetism, so much talk'd of, I am totally unacquainted with it, and must doubt its Existence till I can see or feel some Effect of it. None of the Cures said to be perform'd by it, have fallen under my Observation; and there being so many Disorders which cure themselves and such a Disposition in Mankind to deceive themselves and one another on these Occasions; and living long having given me frequent Opportunities of seeing certain Remedies cry'd up as curing everything, and yet soon after totally laid aside as useless, I cannot but fear that the Expectation of great Advantage from the new Method of treating Diseases, will prove a Delusion. That Delusion may however in some cases be of use while it lasts. There are in every great rich City a Number of Persons who are never in health, because they are fond of Medicines and always taking them, whereby they derange the natural Functions, and hurt their Constitutions. If these People can be persuaded to forbear their Drugs in Expectation of being cured by only the Physician's Finger or an Iron Rod pointing at them, they may possibly find good Effects tho' they mistake the Cause. I have the honour to be, Sir, &c. "STOOP, STOOP!" _To Samuel Mather_ REV'd SIR, Passy, May 12, 1784. I received your kind letter, with your excellent advice to the people of the United States, which I read with great pleasure, and hope it will be duly regarded. Such writings, though they may be lightly passed over by many readers, yet, if they make a deep impression on one active mind in a hundred, the effects may be considerable. Permit me to mention one little instance, which, though it relates to myself, will not be quite uninteresting to you. When I was a boy, I met with a book, entitled _"Essays to do Good,"_ which I think was written by your father. It had been so little regarded by a former possessor, that several leaves of it were torn out; but the remainder gave me such a turn of thinking, as to have an influence on my conduct through life; for I have always set a greater value on the character of a _doer of good_, than on any other kind of reputation; and if I have been, as you seem to think, a useful citizen, the public owes the advantage of it to that book. You mention your being in your 78'th year; I am in my 79'th; we are grown old together. It is now more than 60 years since I left Boston, but I remember well both your father and grandfather, having heard them both in the pulpit, and seen them in their houses. The last time I saw your father was in the beginning of 1724, when I visited him after my first trip to Pennsylvania. He received me in his library, and on my taking leave showed me a shorter way out of the house through a narrow passage, which was crossed by a beam over head. We were still talking as I withdrew, he accompanying me behind, and I turning partly towards him, when he said hastily, _"Stoop, stoop!"_ I did not understand him, till I felt my head hit against the beam. He was a man that never missed any occasion of giving instruction, and upon this he said to me, _"You are young, and have the world before you;_ STOOP _as you go through it, and you will miss many hard thumps."_ This advice, thus beat into my head, has frequently been of use to me; and I often think of it, when I see pride mortified, and misfortunes brought upon people by their carrying their heads too high. I long much to see again my native place, and to lay my bones there. I left it in 1723; I visited it in 1733, 1743, 1753, and 1763. In 1773 I was in England; in 1775 I had a sight of it, but could not enter, it being in possession of the enemy. I did hope to have been there in 1783, but could not obtain my dismission from this employment here; and now I fear I shall never have that happiness. My best wishes however attend my dear country. _Esto perpetua._ It is now blest with an excellent constitution; may it last for ever! This powerful monarchy continues its friendship for the United States. It is a friendship of the utmost importance to our security, and should be carefully cultivated. Britain has not yet well digested the loss of its dominion over us, and has still at times some flattering hopes of recovering it. Accidents may increase those hopes, and encourage dangerous attempts. A breach between us and France would infallibly bring the English again upon our backs; and yet we have some wild heads among our countrymen, who are endeavouring to weaken that connexion! Let us preserve our reputation by performing our engagements; our credit by fulfilling our contracts; and friends by gratitude and kindness; for we know not how soon we may again have occasion for all of them. With great and sincere esteem, I have the honour to be, &c. "BEWARE OF BEING LULLED INTO A DANGEROUS SECURITY" _To Charles Thomson_ DEAR SIR, Passy, May 13, 1784. Yesterday evening Mr. Hartley met with Mr. Jay and myself when the ratifications of the Definitive Treaty were exchanged. I send a copy of the English Ratification to the President. Thus the great and hazardous enterprize we have been engaged in is, God be praised, happily compleated; an event I hardly expected I should live to see. A few years of Peace, will improve, will restore and encrease our strength; but our future safety will depend on our union and our virtue. Britain will be long watching for advantages, to recover what she has lost. If we do not convince the world, that we are a Nation to be depended on for fidelity in Treaties; if we appear negligent in paying our Debts, and ungrateful to those who have served and befriended us; our reputation, and all the strength it is capable of procuring, will be lost, and fresh attacks upon us will be encouraged and promoted by better prospects of success. Let us therefore beware of being lulled into a dangerous security; and of being both enervated and impoverished by luxury; of being weakened by internal contentions and divisions; of being shamefully extravagant in contracting private debts, while we are backward in discharging honorably those of the public; of neglect in military exercises and discipline, and in providing stores of arms and munitions of war, to be ready on occasion; for all these are circumstances that give confidence to enemies, and diffidence to friends; and the expenses required to prevent a war are much lighter than those that will, if not prevented, be absolutely necessary to maintain it. I am long kept in suspense without being able to learn the purpose of Congress respecting my request of recall, and that of some employment for my secretary, William Temple Franklin. If I am kept here another winter, and as much weakened by it as by the last, I may as well resolve to spend the remainder of my days here; for I shall be hardly able to bear the fatigues of the voyage in returning. During my long absence from America, my friends are continually diminishing by death, and my inducements to return in proportion. But I can make no preparations either for going conveniently, or staying comfortably here, nor take any steps towards making some other provision for my grandson, till I know what I am to expect. Be so good, my dear friend, as to send me a little private information. With great esteem, I am ever yours, most affectionately "`DAMN YOUR SOULS. MAKE TOBACCO_!'" _To Mason Locke Weems and Edward Gant_ GENTLEMEN, Passy, July 18, 1784. On receipt of your Letter, acquainting me that the Archbishop of Canterbury would not permit you to be ordain'd, unless you took the Oath of Allegiance, I apply'd to a Clergyman of my Acquaintance for Information on the Subject of your obtaining Ordination here. His Opinion was, that it could not be done; and that, if it were done, you would be requir'd to vow Obedience to the Archbishop of Paris. I next inquired of the Pope's Nuncio, whether you might not be ordain'd by their Bishop in America, Powers being sent him for that purpose, if he has them not already. The answer was, "The Thing is impossible, unless the Gentlemen become Catholics." This is an Affair of which I know very little, and therefore I may ask Questions and propose means that are improper or impracticable. But what is the necessity of your being connected with the Church of England? Would it not be as well, if you were of the Church of Ireland? The Religion is the same, tho' there is a different set of Bishops and Archbishops. Perhaps if you were to apply to the Bishop of Derry, who is a man of liberal Sentiments, he might give you Orders as of that Church. If both Britain and Ireland refuse you, (and I am not sure that the Bishops of Denmark or Sweden would ordain you, unless you become Lutherans,) what is to be done? Next to becoming Presbyterians, the Episcopalian clergy of America, in my humble Opinion, cannot do better than to follow the Example of the first Clergy of Scotland, soon after the Conversion of that Country to Christianity, who when their King had built the Cathedral of St. Andrew's, and requested the King of Northumberland to lend his Bishops to ordain one for them, that their Clergy might not as heretofore be obliged to go to Northumberland for Orders, and their Request was refused; they assembled in the Cathedral; and, the Mitre, Crosier, and Robes of a Bishop being laid upon the Altar, they, after earnest Prayers for Direction in their Choice, elected one of their own Number; when the King said to him, _"Arise, go to the Altar, and receive your Office at the Hand of God."_ His brethren led him to the Altar, robed him, put the Crozier in his Hand, and the Mitre on his Head, and he became the first Bishop of Scotland. If the British Isles were sunk in the Sea (and the Surface of this Globe has suffered greater Changes), you would probably take some such Method as this; and, if they persist in denying you Ordination, 'tis the same thing. An hundred years hence, when People are more enlightened, it will be wondered at, that Men in America, qualified by their Learning and Piety to pray for and instruct their Neighbors, should not be permitted to do it till they had made a Voyage of six thousand Miles out and home, to ask leave of a cross old Gentleman at Canterbury; who seems, by your Account, to have as little Regard for the Souls of the People of Maryland, as King William's Attorney-General, Seymour, had for those of Virginia. The Reverend Commissary Blair, who projected the College of that Province, and was in England to solicit Benefactions and a Charter, relates, that the Queen, in the King's Absence, having ordered Seymour to draw up the Charter, which was to be given, with 2000 pounds in Money, he oppos'd the Grant; saying that the Nation was engag'd in an expensive War, that the Money was wanted for better purposes, and he did not see the least Occasion for a College in Virginia. Blair represented to him, that its Intention was to educate and qualify young Men to be Ministers of the Gospel, much wanted there; and begged Mr. Attorney would consider, that the People of Virginia had souls to be saved, as well as the People of England. _"Souls!"_ says he, _"damn your Souls. Make Tobacco!"_ I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, &c. "OUR OPINIONS ARE NOT IN OUR OWN POWER" _To William Franklin_ DEAR SON, Passy, Aug. 16, 1784. I received your Letter of the 22d past, and am glad to find that you desire to revive the affectionate Intercourse, that formerly existed between us. It will be very agreable to me; indeed nothing has ever hurt me so much and affected me with such keen Sensations, as to find myself deserted in my old Age by my only Son; and not only deserted, but to find him taking up Arms against me, in a Cause, wherein my good Fame, Fortune and Life were all at Stake. You conceived, you say, that your Duty to your King and Regard for your Country requir'd this. I ought not to blame you for differing in Sentiment with me in Public Affairs. We are Men, all subject to Errors. Our Opinions are not in our own Power; they are form'd and govern'd much by Circumstances, that are often as inexplicable as they are irresistible. Your Situation was such that few would have censured your remaining Neuter, _tho' there are Natural Duties which precede political ones, and cannot be extinguish'd by them._ This is a disagreable Subject. I drop it. And we will endeavour, as you propose mutually to forget what has happened relating to it, as well as we can. I send your Son over to pay his Duty to you. You will find him much improv'd. He is greatly esteem'd and belov'd in this Country, and will make his Way anywhere. It is my Desire, that he should study the Law, as a necessary Part of Knowledge for a public Man, and profitable if he should have occasion to practise it. I would have you therefore put into his hands those Law-books you have, viz. Blackstone, Coke, Bacon, Viner, &c. He will inform you, that he received the Letter sent him by Mr. Galloway, and the Paper it enclosed, safe. On my leaving America, I deposited with that Friend for you, a Chest of Papers, among which was a Manuscript of nine or ten Volumes, relating to Manufactures, Agriculture, Commerce, Finance, etc., which cost me in England about 70 Guineas; eight Quire Books, containing the Rough Drafts of all my Letters while I liv'd in London. These are missing. I hope you have got them, if not, they are lost. Mr. Vaughan has publish'd in London a Volume of what he calls my Political Works. He proposes a second Edition; but, as the first was very incompleat, and you had many Things that were omitted, (for I used to send you sometimes the Rough Drafts, and sometimes the printed Pieces I wrote in London,) I have directed him to apply to you for what may be in your Power to furnish him with, or to delay his Publication till I can be at home again, if that may ever happen. I did intend returning this year; but the Congress, instead of giving me Leave to do so, have sent me another Commission, which will keep me here at least a Year longer; and perhaps I may then be too old and feeble to bear the Voyage. I am here among a People that love and respect me, a most amiable Nation to live with; and perhaps I may conclude to die among them; for my Friends in America are dying off, one after another, and I have been so long abroad, that I should now be almost a Stranger in my own Country. I shall be glad to see you when convenient, but would not have you come here at present. You may confide to your son the Family Affairs you wished to confer upon with me, for he is discreet. And I trust, that you will prudently avoid introducing him to Company, that it may be improper for him to be seen with. I shall hear from you by him and any letters to me afterwards, will come safe under Cover directed to Mr. Ferdinand Grand, Banker at Paris. Wishing you Health, and more Happiness than it seems you have lately experienced, I remain your affectionate father, "THE YANKEYS NEVER FELT BOLD" _To William Strahan_ DEAR FRIEND, Passy, Aug't 19.'th 1784. I received your kind Letter of Ap'l 17th. You will have the goodness to place my delay in answering to the Account of Indisposition and Business, and excuse it. I have now that letter before me; and my Grandson, whom you may formerly remember a little Scholar of Mr. Elphinston's, purposing to set out in a day or two on a visit to his Father in London, I set down to scribble a little to you, first recommending him as a worthy young Man to your Civilities and Counsels. You press me much to come to England. I am not without strong Inducements to do so; the Fund of Knowledge you promise to Communicate to me is an Addition to them, and no small one. At present it is impracticable. But, when my Grandson returns, come with him. We will then talk the matter over, and perhaps you may take me back with you. I have a Bed at your service, and will try to make your Residence, while you can stay with us, as agreable to you, if possible, as I am sure it will be to me. You do not "approve the annihilation of profitable Places; for you do not see why a Statesman, who does his Business well, should not be paid for his Labour as well as any other Workman." Agreed. But why more than any other Workman? The less the Salary the greater the Honor. In so great a Nation, there are many rich enough to afford giving their time to the Public; and there are, I make no doubt, many wise and able Men, who would take as much Pleasure in governing for nothing, as they do in playing Chess for nothing. It would be one of the noblest of Amusements. That this Opinion is not Chimerical, the Country I now live in affords a Proof; its whole Civil and Criminal Law Administration being done for nothing, or in some sense for less than nothing; since the Members of its Judiciary Parliaments buy their Places, and do not make more than _three per cent_ for their Money by their Fees and Emoluments, while the legal Interest is _five_; so that in Fact they give two per cent to be allow'd to govern, and all their time and trouble into the Bargain. Thus _Profit_, one Motive for desiring Place, being abolish'd, there remains only _Ambition_; and that being in some degree ballanced by _Loss_, you may easily conceive, that there will not be very violent Factions and Contentions for such Places, nor much of the Mischief to the Country, that attends your Factions, which have often occasioned Wars, and overloaded you with Debts impayable. I allow you all the Force of your Joke upon the Vagrancy of our Congress. They have a right to sit _where_ they please, of which perhaps they have made too much Use by shifting too often. But they have two other Rights; those of sitting _when_ they please, and as _long_ as they please, in which methinks they have the advantage of your Parliament; for they cannot be dissolved by the Breath of a Minister, or sent packing as you were the other day, when it was your earnest desire to have remained longer together. You "fairly acknowledge, that the late War terminated quite contrary to your Expectation." Your expectation was ill founded; for you would not believe your old Friend, who told you repeatedly, that by those Measures England would lose her Colonies, as Epictetus warned in vain his Master that he would break his Leg. You believ'd rather the Tales you heard of our Poltroonery and Impotence of Body and Mind. Do you not remember the Story you told me of the Scotch sergeant, who met with a Party of Forty American Soldiers, and, tho' alone, disarm'd them all, and brought them in Prisoners? A Story almost as Improbable as that of the Irishman, who pretended to have alone taken and brought in Five of the enemy by _surrounding_ them. And yet, my Friend, sensible and Judicious as you are, but partaking of the general Infatuation, you seemed to believe it. The Word _general_ puts me in mind of a General, your General Clarke, who had the Folly to say in my hearing at Sir John Pringle's, that, with a Thousand British grenadiers, he would undertake to go from one end of America to the other, and geld all the Males, partly by force and partly by a little Coaxing. It is plain he took us for a species of Animals very little superior to Brutes. The Parliament too believ'd the stories of another foolish General, I forget his Name, that the Yankeys never _felt bold._ Yankey was understood to be a sort of Yahoo, and the Parliament did not think the Petitions of such Creatures were fit to be received and read in so wise an Assembly. What was the consequence of this monstrous Pride and Insolence? You first sent small Armies to subdue us, believing them more than sufficient, but soon found yourselves obliged to send greater; these, whenever they ventured to penetrate our Country beyond the Protection of their Ships, were either repulsed and obliged to scamper out, or were surrounded, beaten, and taken Prisoners. An American Planter, who had never seen Europe, was chosen by us to Command our Troops, and continued during the whole War. This Man sent home to you, one after another, five of your best Generals baffled, their Heads bare of Laurels, disgraced even in the Opinion of their Employers. Your contempt of our Understandings, in Comparison with your own, appeared to be not much better founded than that of our Courage, if we may judge by this Circumstance, that, in whatever Court of Europe a Yankey negociator appeared, the wise British Minister was routed, put in a passion, pick'd a quarrel with your Friends, and was sent home with a Flea in his Ear. But after all, my dear Friend, do not imagine that I am vain enough to ascribe our Success to any superiority in any of those Points. I am too well acquainted with all the Springs and Levers of our Machine, not to see, that our human means were unequal to our undertaking, and that, if it had not been for the Justice of our Cause, and the consequent Interposition of Providence, in which we had Faith, we must have been ruined. If I had ever before been an Atheist, I should now have been convinced of the Being and Government of a Deity! It is he who abases the Proud and favours the Humble. May we never forget his Goodness to us, and may our future Conduct manifest our Gratitude. But let us leave these serious Reflections and converse with our usual Pleasantry. I remember your observing once to me as we sat together in the House of Commons, that no two Journeymen Printers, within your Knowledge, had met with such Success in the World as ourselves. You were then at the head of your Profession, and soon afterwards became a Member of Parliament. I was an Agent for a few Provinces, and now act for them all. But we have risen by different Modes. I, as a Republican Printer, always liked a Form well _plain'd down_; being averse to those _overbearing_ Letters that hold their Heads so _high_, as to hinder their Neighbours from appearing. You, as a Monarchist, chose to work upon _Crown_ Paper, and found it profitable; while I work'd upon _pro patria_ (often indeed call'd _Fools Cap_) with no less advantage. Both our _Heaps hold out_ very well, and we seem likely to make a pretty good day's Work of it. With regard to Public Affairs (to continue in the same stile), it seems to me that the Compositors in your Chapel do not _cast off their Copy_ well, nor perfectly understand _Imposing_; their _Forms_, too, are continually pester'd by the _Outs_ and _Doubles_, that are not easy to be corrected. And I think they were wrong in laying aside some _Faces_, and particularly certain _Head-pieces_, that would have been both useful and ornamental. But, Courage! The Business may still flourish with good Management; and the Master become as rich as any of the Company. By the way, the rapid Growth and extension of the English language in America, must become greatly Advantageous to the booksellers, and holders of Copy-Rights in England. A vast audience is assembling there for English Authors, ancient, present, and future, our People doubling every twenty Years; and this will demand large and of course profitable Impressions of your most valuable Books. I would, therefore, if I possessed such rights, entail them, if such a thing be practicable, upon my Posterity; for their Worth will be continually augmenting. This may look a little like Advice, and yet I have drank no _Madeira_ these Ten Months. The Subject, however, leads me to another Thought, which is, that you do wrong to discourage the Emigration of Englishmen to America. In my piece on Population, I have proved, I think, that Emigration does not diminish but multiplies a Nation. You will not have fewer at home for those that go Abroad; and as every Man who comes among us, and takes up a piece of Land, becomes a Citizen, and by our Constitution has a Voice in Elections, and a share in the Government of the Country, why should you be against acquiring by this fair Means a Repossession of it, and leave it to be taken by Foreigners of all Nations and Languages, who by their Numbers may drown and stifle the English, which otherwise would probably become in the course of two Centuries the most extensive Language in the World, the Spanish only excepted? It is a Fact, that the Irish emigrants and their children are now in Possession of the Government of Pennsylvania, by their Majority in the Assembly, as well as of a great Part of the Territory; and I remember well the first Ship that brought any of them over. I am ever, my dear Friend, yours most affectionately, ON DIVINE INSPIRATION _To Joseph Priestley_ DEAR SIR, Passy, Aug't 21, 1784. Understanding that my Letter intended for you by General Melvill, was lost at the Hotel d'Espagne, I take this Opportunity by my Grandson to give you the purport of it, as well as I can recollect. I thank'd you for the Pleasure you had procured me of the General's Conversation, whom I found a judicious, sensible, and amiable Man. I was glad to hear that you possess'd a comfortable Retirement, and more so that you had Thoughts of removing to Philadelphia, for that it would make me very happy to have you there. Your _Companions_ would be very acceptable to the Library, but I hoped you would long live to enjoy their Company yourself. I agreed with you in Sentiments concerning the Old Testament, and thought the Clause in our Constitution, which required the Members of Assembly to declare their belief, _that the whole of it was given by divine Inspiration_, had better have been omitted. That I had opposed the Clause; but, being overpower'd by Numbers, and fearing more might in future Times be grafted on it, I prevailed to have the additional Clause, "that _no further or more extended Profession of Faith should ever be exacted._" I observ'd to you too, that the Evil of it was the less, as _no Inhabitant_, nor any Officer of Government, except the Members of Assembly, were oblig'd to make that Declaration. So much for that Letter; to which I may now add, that there are several Things in the Old Testament, impossible to be given by _divine_ Inspiration; such as the Approbation ascribed to the Angel of the Lord, of that abominably wicked and detestable Action of Jael, the wife of Heber, the Kenite. If the rest of the Book were like that, I should rather suppose it given by Inspiration from another Quarter, and renounce the whole. By the way, how goes on the Unitarian Church in Essex Street? And the honest Minister of it, is he comfortably supported? Your old Colleague, Mr. Radcliff, is he living? And what became of Mr. Denham? My Grandson, who will have the honour of delivering this to you, may bring me a Line from you; and I hope will bring me an Account of your continuing well and happy. I jog on still, with as much Health, and as few of the Infirmities of old Age, as I have any Reason to expect. But whatever is impair'd in my Constitution, my Regard for my old Friends remains firm and entire. You will always have a good Share of it, for I am ever with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, &c. "SENSE BEING PREFERABLE TO SOUND" _To Richard Price_ DEAR FRIEND, Passy, March 18, 1785. My nephew, Mr. Williams, will have the honour of delivering you this line. It is to request from you a List of a few good Books, to the Value of about Twenty-five Pounds, such as are most proper to inculcate Principles of sound Religion and just Government. A New Town in the State of Massachusetts having done me the honour of naming itself after me, and proposing to build a Steeple to their meeting-house if I would give them a Bell, I have advis'd the sparing themselves the Expence of a Steeple, for the present, and that they would accept of Books instead of a Bell, Sense being preferable to Sound. These are therefore intended as the Commencement of a little Parochial Library for the Use of a Society of intelligent, respectable Farmers, such as our Country People generally consist of. Besides your own Works, I would only mention, on the Recommendation of my sister, "Stennet's _Discourses on Personal Religion_," which may be one Book of the Number, if you know and approve of it. With the highest Esteem and Respect, I am ever, my dear Friend, yours most affectionately, ON ANNIHILATION AND BIFOCALS _To George Whatley_ DEAR OLD FRIEND, Passy, May 23, 1785. I sent you a few Lines the other Day, with the Medallion, when I should have written more, but was prevented by the coming in of a _Bavard_, who worried me till Evening. I bore with him, and now you are to bear with me; for I shall probably _bavarder_ in answering your Letter. I am not acquainted with the Saying of Alphonsus, which you allude to as a Sanctification of your Rigidity, in refusing to allow me the Plea of Old Age, as an Excuse for my Want of Exactness in Correspondence. What was that Saying? You do not, it seems, feel any occasion for such an Excuse, though you are, as you say, rising 75. But I am rising (perhaps more properly falling) 80, and I leave the Excuse with you till you arrive at that Age; perhaps you may then be more sensible of its Validity, and see fit to use it for yourself. I must agree with you, that the Gout is bad, and that the Stone is worse. I am happy in not having them both together, and I join in your Prayer, that you may live till you die without either. But I doubt the Author of the Epitaph you send me was a little mistaken, when he, speaking of the World, says, that "he ne'er car'd a pin What they said or may say of the Mortal within." It is so natural to wish to be well spoken of, whether alive or dead, that I imagine he could not be quite exempt from that Desire; and that at least he wish'd to be thought a Wit, or he would not have given himself the Trouble of writing so good an Epitaph to leave behind him. Was it not as worthy of his Care, that the World should say he was an honest and a good Man? I like better the concluding Sentiment in the old Song, call'd _The Old Man's Wish_, wherein, after wishing for a warm House in a country Town, an easy Horse, some good old authors, ingenious and cheerful Companions, a Pudding on Sundays, with stout Ale, and a bottle of Burgundy, &c. &c., in separate Stanzas, each ending with this burthen, "May I govern my Passions with an absolute sway, Grow wiser and better as my Strength wears away, Without Gout or Stone, by a gentle Decay;" he adds, "With a Courage undaunted may I face my last day, And, when I am gone, may the better Sort say, `In the Morning when sober, in the Evening when mellow, He's gone, and has not left behind him his Fellow; For he governed his Passions, &c.'" But what signifies our Wishing? Things happen, after all, as they will happen. I have sung that _wishing Song_ a thousand times, when I was young, and now find, at Fourscore, that the three Contraries have befallen me, being subject to the Gout and the Stone, and not being yet Master of all my Passions. Like the proud Girl in my Country, who wished and resolv'd not to marry a Parson, nor a Presbyterian, nor an Irishman; and at length found herself married to an Irish Presbyterian Parson. You see I have some reason to wish, that, in a future State, I may not only be _as well as I was_, but a little better. And I hope it; for I, too, with your Poet, _trust in God._ And when I observe, that there is great Frugality, as well as Wisdom, in his Works, since he has been evidently sparing both of Labour and Materials; for by the various wonderful Inventions of Propagation, he has provided for the continual peopling his World with Plants and Animals, without being at the Trouble of repeated new Creations; and by the natural Reduction of compound Substances to their original Elements, capable of being employ'd in new Compositions, he has prevented the Necessity of creating new Matter; so that the Earth, Water, Air, and perhaps Fire, which being compounded form Wood, do, when the Wood is dissolved, return, and again become Air, Earth, Fire, and Water; I say, that, when I see nothing annihilated, and not even a Drop of Water wasted, I cannot suspect the Annihilation of Souls, or believe, that he will suffer the daily Waste of Millions of Minds ready made that now exist, and put himself to the continual Trouble of making new ones. Thus finding myself to exist in the World, I believe I shall, in some Shape or other, always exist; and, with all the inconveniencies human Life is liable to, I shall not object to a new Edition of mine; hoping, however, that the _Errata_ of the last may be corrected. I return your Note of Children receiv'd in the Foundling Hospital at Paris, from 1741 to 1755, inclusive; and I have added the Years preceding as far back as 1710 together with the general Christnings of the City, and the Years succeeding down to 1770. Those since that Period I have not been able to obtain. I have noted in the Margin the gradual Increase, viz. from every tenth Child so thrown upon the Public, till it comes to every third! Fifteen Years have passed since the last Account, and probably it may now amount to one half. Is it right to encourage this monstrous Deficiency of natural Affection? A Surgeon I met with here excused the Women of Paris, by saying, seriously, that they _could not_ give suck; _"Car,"_ dit il, _"elles n'ont point de tetons."_ He assur'd me it was a Fact, and bade me look at them, and observe how flat they were on the Breast; "they have nothing more there," said he, "than I have upon the Back of my hand." I have since thought that there might be some Truth in his Observation, and that, possibly, Nature, finding they made no use of Bubbies, has left off giving them any. Yet, since Rousseau, with admirable Eloquence, pleaded for the Rights of Children to their Mother's Milk, the Mode has changed a little; and some Ladies of Quality now suckle their Infants and find Milk enough. May the Mode descend to the lower Ranks, till it becomes no longer the Custom to pack their Infants away, as soon as born, to the _Enfans Trouves_, with the careless Observation, that the King is better able to maintain them. I am credibly inform'd, that nine-tenths of them die there pretty soon, which is said to be a great Relief to the Institution, whose Funds would not otherwise be sufficient to bring up the Remainder. Except the few Persons of Quality above mentioned, and the Multitude who send to the Hospital, the Practice is to hire Nurses in the Country to carry out the Children, and take care of them there. There is an Office for examining the Health of Nurses, and giving them Licenses. They come to Town on certain Days of the Week in Companies to receive the Children, and we often meet Trains of them on the Road returning to the neighbouring Villages, with each a Child in her Arms. But those, who are good enough to try this way of raising their Children, are often not able to pay the Expence; so that the Prisons of Paris are crowded with wretched Fathers and Mothers confined _pour Mois de Nourrice_, tho' it is laudably a favorite Charity to pay for them, and set such Prisoners at Liberty. I wish Success to the new Project of assisting the Poor to keep their Children at home, because I think there is no Nurse like a Mother (or not many), and that, if Parents did not immediately send their Infants out of their Sight, they would in a few days begin to love them, and thence be spurr'd to greater Industry for their Maintenance. This is a Subject you understand better than I, and, therefore, having perhaps said too much, I drop it. I only add to the Notes a Remark, from the _History of the Academy of Sciences_, much in favour of the Foundling Institution. The Philadelphia Bank goes on, as I hear, very well. What you call the Cincinnati Institution is no Institution of our Government, but a private Convention among the Officers of our late Army, and so universally dislik'd by the People, that it is supposed it will be dropt. It was considered as an Attempt to establish something like an hereditary Rank or Nobility. I hold with you, that it was wrong; may I add, that all _descending_ Honours are wrong and absurd; that the Honour of virtuous Actions appertains only to him that performs them, and is in its nature incommunicable. If it were communicable by Descent, it must also be divisible among the Descendants; and the more ancient the Family, the less would be found existing in any one Branch of it; to say nothing of the greater Chance of unlucky Interruptions. Our Constitution seems not to be well understood with you. If the Congress were a permanent Body, there would be more Reason in being jealous of giving it Powers. But its Members are chosen annually, cannot be chosen more than three Years successively, nor more than three Years in seven; and any of them may be recall'd at any time, whenever their Constituents shall be dissatisfied with their Conduct. They are of the People, and return again to mix with the People, having no more durable preeminence than the different Grains of Sand in an Hourglass. Such an Assembly cannot easily become dangerous to Liberty. They are the Servants of the People, sent together to do the People's Business, and promote the public Welfare; their Powers must be sufficient, or their Duties cannot be performed. They have no profitable Appointments, but a mere Payment of daily Wages, such as are scarcely equivalent to their Expences; so that, having no Chance for great Places, and enormous Salaries or Pensions, as in some Countries, there is no triguing or bribing for Elections. I wish Old England were as happy in its Government, but I do not see it. Your People, however, think their Constitution the best in the World, and affect to despise ours. It is comfortable to have a good Opinion of one's self, and of every thing that belongs to us; to think one's own Religion, King, and Wife, the best of all possible Wives, Kings, or Religions. I remember three Greenlanders, who had travell'd two Years in Europe under the care of some Moravian Missionaries, and had visited Germany, Denmark, Holland, and England. When I asked them at Philadelphia, where they were in their Way home, whether, now they had seen how much more commodiously the white People lived by the help of the Arts, they would not choose to remain among us; their Answer was, that they were pleased with having had an Opportunity of seeing so many fine things, _but they chose to_ live _in their own Country._ Which Country, by the way, consisted of rock only, for the Moravians were obliged to carry Earth in their Ship from New York, for the purpose of making there a Cabbage Garden. By Mr. Dollond's Saying, that my double Spectacles can only serve particular Eyes, I doubt he has not been rightly informed of their Construction. I imagine it will be found pretty generally true, that the same Convexity of Glass, through which a Man sees clearest and best at the Distance proper for Reading, is not the best for greater Distances. I therefore had formerly two Pair of Spectacles, which I shifted occasionally, as in travelling I sometimes read, and often wanted to regard the Prospects. Finding this Change troublesome, and not always sufficiently ready, I had the Glasses cut, and half of each kind associated in the same Circle, thus, (Illustration omitted) By this means, as I wear my Spectacles constantly, I have only to move my Eyes up or down, as I want to see distinctly far or near, the proper Glasses being always ready. This I find more particularly convenient since my being in France, the Glasses that serve me best at Table to see what I eat, not being the best to see the Faces of those on the other Side of the Table who speak to me; and when one's Ears are not well accustomed to the Sounds of a Language, a Sight of the Movements in the Features of him that speaks helps to explain; so that I understand French better by the help of my Spectacles. My intended translator of your Piece, the only one I know who understands the _Subject_, as well as the two Languages, (which a translator ought to do, or he cannot make so good a Translation,) is at present occupied in an Affair that prevents his undertaking it; but that will soon be over. I thank you for the Notes. I should be glad to have another of the printed Pamphlets. We shall always be ready to take your Children, if you send them to us. I only wonder, that, since London draws to itself, and consumes such Numbers of your Country People, the Country should not, to supply their Places, want and willingly receive the Children you have to dispose of. That Circumstance, together with the Multitude who voluntarily part with their Freedom as Men, to serve for a time as Lackeys, or for Life as Soldiers, in consideration of small Wages, seems to me a Proof that your Island is over-peopled. And yet it is afraid of Emigrations! Adieu, my dear Friend, and believe me ever yours very affectionately, .